Yes, Sir, manufacturers and mechanics are Unionists by profession; Unionists by necessity; Unionists always. Learn to know your friends. The time may come you will need them!

I have been pained inexpressibly, Sir, by some things which have been insinuated, not very distinctly said, in this debate. In a discussion of the tariff, I have heard allusions to the course of Massachusetts in 1812, and to the abolition sentiments which she cherishes to-day. How am I to understand them? Does any one dare to propose, or dare to intimate, that speculative opinions on one subject are to be punished by unkind, deleterious, practical legislation on other subjects? For our opinions on the last war, or on the institution of slavery, do you propose to drive our artisans and mechanics. from their livings and their homes? God forbid. Do not think of such a thing. Banish it. Disdain it. Despise it. Despise, I am sure you do, a retaliation so absurd, so mean, so unjust, so profligate. Permit me to say, that you must take the States of America as you find them. All of them have their peculiarities. All have their traits. All have their history; traditions; characters. They had them before they came into the Union. They will have them after

"Rome in Tiber melts, and the wide arch Of the ranged empire falls.”

South Carolina has hers Massachusetts has hers. She will continue to think, speak, print, just what she pleases, on every subject that may interest the patriot, the moralist, the Christian. But she will be true to the Constitution. She sat among the most affectionate at its cradle; she will follow, the saddest of the procession of sorrow, its hearse! She sometimes has stood for twenty years together in opposition to the general government. She cannot promise the implicit politics of some of her neighbors. I trust, however, that she will not be found in opposition to the next administration. I have heard that once her senate refused to vote thanks for a victory for which her people had shed their blood. Sir, you must take the States as you find them! You must take her as you find her! Be just to her, and she will be a blessing to you. will sell to you at fair prices, and on liberal credits; she will buy of you when England and Canada and the West Indies

She

and Ireland will not; she will buy your staples, and mould them into shapes of beauty and use, and send them abroad, to represent your taste and your genius in the great fairs of civilization. Something thus she may do, to set upon your brow that crown of industrial glory, to which "the laurels that a Cæsar reaps are weeds." More, Sir, more. Although she loves not war, nor any of its works; although her interests, her morals, her intelligence, are all against it; although she is with South Carolina, with all the South, on that ground; yet, Sir, at the call of honor, at the call of liberty, if I have read her annals true, she will be found standing, where once she stood, side by side with you, on the darkened and perilous ridges of battle.

Be just to her, coldly, severely, Constitutionally just, and she will be a blessing to you.

NOTE TO PAGE 215.

EXTRACT OF A NOTE ON ADAM SMITH'S WEALTH OF NATIONS, BY M'CULLOCH, VOL. I. PP. 211, 212, EDIN. EDITION, 1828.

They [manufacturing operatives] are thus driven to seek for recreation in mental excitement; and the circumstances under which they are placed afford them every possible facility for gratifying themselves in this manner. By working together in considerable numbers, they have constant opportunities of discussing every topic of interest or importance. They are thus gradually trained to habits of thinking and reflection; their intellects are sharpened by the collision of conflicting opinions; and a small contribution from each individual enables them to obtain a large supply of newspapers, and of the cheaper class of periodical publications. But whatever difference of opinion may exist respecting the cause, there can be no doubt of the fact, that the intelligence of the workmen employed in manufactures and commerce has increased according as their numbers have increased, and as their employments have been more and more subdivided. I do not think that there are any good grounds for supposing that they were ever less intelligent than the agriculturists; though, whatever may have been the case a century since, no one will now venture to affirm that they are inferior to them in intellectual acquirements, or that they are mere machines, without sentiment or reason.

NOTE TO PAGE 243.

EXTRACT FROM MR. HUDSON'S SPEECH.

I have taken great pains to ascertain as near as possible the amount of articles consumed in Massachusetts annually, which are the growth or product of other States in the Union. I have written to intelligent gentlemen connected with

almost every branch of business in my own State, and have consulted all the statistics which have fallen into my hands; and I confess that our consumption is greater than I had supposed. Probably some of the estimates may be too high, and others I am confident are too low. As a whole, I believe them to be a fair estimate. In fixing the prices, I have endeavored to take the average for the last three or four years. I speak of these articles as consumed in Massachusetts. They are consumed in the sense in which such articles are capable of consumption. Cotton and wool are consumed, in the sense in which I use the term, by being converted into cloth; and the same is true of all other articles which go into our manufactures. The result I will now present for the consideration of the committee.

An Estimate of the Products of the Soil, &c., of other States consumed or manufactured annually in Massachusetts.

Oysters, venison, sand, sweet potatoes, summer fruits, such as peaches, melons, &c.

210,000

Hay, grass-seed, flaxseed, flax, linseed oil, castor oil, beans, beeswax, tallow, onions, and nuts .

Here we have the round sum of $42,000,000 of domestic products consumed in the State of Massachusetts · a State of 737,000 inhabitants — in a single year. The importance of such a home market will appear when we consider that the average of our entire export from the United States for the last ten years, exclusive of the manufactured articles, amounts to only $82,200,000. So that the State of Massachusetts consumes annually, of the products of other States, more than half the amount of our whole foreign export, less the manufactured articles; and the articles thus consumed in my own State are the product of every State in this Union.

175,000

$42,010,000

Maine supplies lumber, wood, lime, leather, and potatoes; New Hampshire, wool, butter, cheese, beef, and pork; Vermont, wool, iron, beef, pork, butter, cheese, and potash; Rhode Island, lime; Connecticut, iron; New York, flour, wool, leather, butter, cheese, and grain; New Jersey, grain, grass-seed, and fruit; Pennsylvania, iron, coal, wool, leather, and potash; Delaware, grain; Maryland, corn, tobacco, and leather; Virginia, corn, flour, tobacco, and coal; North Carolina, tar, pitch, and turpentine; South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, cotton and rice; Louisiana, cotton, sugar, and molasses; Arkansas, cotton, beef, and pork; Tennessee, cotton, wool, tobacco, and corn; Kentucky, tobacco, wool, flour, and whiskey; Missouri, lead and corn; Indiana, flour, corn, wool, beef, and pork; Illinois, lead, flour, corn, and pork; Michigan, flour; Ohio, flour, corn, beef, pork, wool, and potash.

This is a specimen of some of the leading articles which the different States furnish to the Massachusetts market. Besides these, there are other articles, which are produced by the whole valley of the Mississippi, such as hides, fur, beans, castor oil, flax-seed, &c.

SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT

OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION.

DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 8, 1845.

I AM sure that, whatever opinion may be at last formed on this bill, its principles, or its details, all will concur in expressing thanks to the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. Tappan,] for introducing it. We shall differ more perhaps than could be wished, or than can be reconciled, about the mode of administering this noble fund; but we cannot differ about our duty to enter at once on some mode of administering it. A large sum of money has been given to us, to hold and to apply, in trust, "for the increase and diffusion of knowledge among men." We have accepted the trust. "To this application' —such is the language of our act of the first of July, 1836 — "to this application of the money the faith of the United States is hereby pledged." The donor is in his grave. There is no chancellor to compel us to redeem our pledge; and there needs none. Our own sense of duty to the dead, and the living, and the unborn who shall live, our justice, our patriotism, our policy, common honesty, common decorum, urge us, and are enough to urge us, to go on, without the delay of an hour, to appropriate the bounty according to the form of the gift. I thank the Senator, therefore, for introducing a bill with which, to my own knowledge, he has taken much—and, so far as I can see or conceive-disinterested pains, and which affords us an opportunity to discharge a plain duty, perhaps too long delayed.

I think, too, Sir, that the Senator has, in the first section of