CANTO VI

fact, the one family decayed away in banishment, and the other was destined to be a speedy victim to the same populace that had so delighted, but a little before, in loading it with honors and privileges even beyond what was consistent with the Constitution: and thus was begun that declension of the Aristocracy, which Machiavelli considered as having been the immediate cause of the ruin of the liberty of his native land (1). Dante then, could he have foreseen the entire truth, would have made a still more lamentable addition to Ciacco's prophecy, and foretold the final subversion of political freedom with its manifold advantages.

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. Within three years the Black faction shall rise, by the aid' (this is the text verbatim) of one who quickly tacks (2). Long shall he lift his sublime front and keep crushed by heavy burdens the Whites, while they both lament and blush for their sufferings.' The usual way of understanding this

(1) Di qui nasceva le variazioni delle insegne e le mutazioni dei titoli delle famiglie che i nobili per parere del popolo facevano: tanto che quella virtù d'armi e generosità d'animo ch'era nella nobiltà si spegneva e Firenze sempre più umile e più abbietta ne divenne. Ist. Fior. Lib. 3. p. 141.

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(2) Piaggia is explained variously. The general way is to consider it a nautical term answering to coasting, or tacking. There is also the various reading of alto or alte. Boccaccio gives the latter; and then the nominative to 'lift' may be either ' be ' ( tal ) or ( l'altra), ' Black faction': the Academicians read alto; and then it must be he ', as I have rendered it unless (what seems a needless refinement) alto be used adverbially.

CANTO VI.

passage is to make the one mean Charles Valois : but I apply it not at all to him, but directly to Pope Boniface VIII, on the concurrent authorities of Boccaccio and the Riccardi manuscript (1), as well as on what appear to me to be the most obvi. ous considerations. This interpretation agrees exactly with the individual character of Boniface; with all the political events related in the last comment; and with Dante's recorded opinions. Of no Pope more than the one in question could it be more correcly said, that " he always joined with the prevailing powers, when they did not thwart his pretensions (2). " And what nature his pretensions often were, may be gathered from the claim that he made to the crown of Scotland: for, the king of that country having sought for the Pontiff's interference between him and our Edward I, a papal rescript was composed condemning both the royal litigants, and substituting "the Court of Rome's claim to he itself liege lord of Scotland; a claim which had not once been heard of, but which, with a singular confidence, was now asserted to be full, entire, and derived from the most remote antiquity (3)." The fraudulent conduct

(1) Comento, Vol. 1. p. 351 - Cioè Papa Bonifazio che imprima piaggiava e non mostrava di tenere parte. Bib. Ricc. M. S. Cod. 1016. Mr. Cary in explaining it "Charles of Valois" is not to be blamed; for many of the commentators do the same, even the last, M. Biagioli. Comento, Vol. 1. p. 128.

CANTO VI,

of the Legates, who, sent under pretence of pacifying Florence, always left it in a more disturbed state than they had found it, must be observable enough throughout the preceding comment. Dante too must have been peculiarly aware of this treachery; as is clear, not only from his writings but from the fact, that he was in Rome busy in endeavouring to withstand it, at the very moment that the two sentences against him were promulgated in Florence. To understand Boniface here then is quite in character: but not so Charles. For it were ridiculous to make Ciacco predict that Charles should persecute the Whites long; since he did not stay above 6 months altogether in Tuscany (1). It were also as inapposite to talk of Charles lifting his sublime front;' since he was so far from meriting any such pompous phraseology, that be became vulgarly designated as Lackland from his impotency and poverty: which remark is rendered more cogent, if we reflect that at whatever period the body of this Canto was composed, these lines at least of it must, as I premised, have been inserted at a late period; indeed

(1) The dates are thus, as verified by the Priorists: origin of Blacks and Whites, April 15, 1300- Dante, Prior from June 15, to August 15, 1300 sume Chiefs, Blacks and Whites, exiled February, 1301Blacks exiled June, 1301-Charles Valois enters Florence November, 1301 - Dante exiled January and March, 1302 - some White chiefs exiled April, 1302. ·Charles leaves Florence May, 130 - Whites all exiled July, 1304. Thus Charles was only in Florence from November to May.

1

CANTO VI.

after 1307, (for we shall see that Dante had not in his power to alter or correct any part of his poem sooner) that is, after Charles' misfortunes had made him the jest of all Europe (1). How consonant on the contrary is Boniface with those words of Dante! For, although that Pope died himself, the impulse which he had given to the Holy See did not: and the Church-party (under whatever name known, Papists, Blacks, or Guelphs) still continued to 'crush' the Whites, with an acrimony that was in full vigour, not only when our poet wrote, but even when he expired. As to Dante's opinion of Boniface, we shall have it so often recorded that we shall be convinced he would not willingly have lost any occasion of reprimanding him. It could not then have been likely that he would have said nothing about him, when treating of circumstances during which he displayed the whole duplicity of his character: for it is generally thought that the whole of Charles' conduct in Florence was prompted by the Pope, notwithstanding his apparent disapproval of it. To warrant my interpretation, the authorities I set out by citing would have sufficed: but this lengthened exposition of the grounds which support it, will be excused on considering, that it is contrary to the opinions of the modern commentators.

(1) Carlo parti per seguire l'impresa sua di Sicilia, nella quale non fu più savio nè migliore che si fusse stato in Firenze ; tanto che vituperato con perdita di molti de' suoi si tornò in Francia. Mach. Ist. Lib. 2. p. 91.

K.

LXXIII.

CANTO VD

This is the answer to Dante's second question, which, as I have observed, is an allusion to` Genesis. Who the two just were, is not easy to decide now; and no wonder, since even Boccaccio acknowledged his inability to do so five centuries ago (1). Many consider as meant Dante himself and his friend Guido Cavalcanti: but Dante had been so far from holding Guido to be a just, unprejudiced man unimplicated in either faction, that he had been the first himself to sentence him to exile in Sarzana, as we have seen. To recur to the allegories would not render the matter clearer. We may with Velutello cite a passage in the historian, Villani; who relates the demise of two good and upright citizens in 1331, at whose tomb various miracles were performed (2).' Of their miracles (at least their posthumous ones) Dante could have known nothing certainly; for he died ten years before. But for this difficulty, we might tenaciously adhere to Velutello's suggestion: and, no doubt, tranquil goodness was rare enough in that

(1)... sarebbe grave lo indovinare. Comento, Vol. 1. p. 352. The Ottimo is as doubtful, non gli nomina: nor does any one of the oldest commentators decide.

(2) Moriron in Firenze due buoni e giusti uomini e di santa vita e conversazione e di grandi limosine, tutto che fossero laici;..... e per ciascuno mostrò Iddio aperti miracoli di sanar infermi; . e per ciascuno fu fatto solenne sepoltura e poste più imagini di cera per voti fatti. Ist. Lib. x. Cap. 179.

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