The feeling engendered in the minds of those actually engaged in the task of combating the rebellion in Ireland, by the talk of the stay-at-home critics, is goodhumouredly expressed by Cholmley, in the letter from which quotation has already been made, this: “If in Ireland our actions succeed well, they "keep us poor, lest we grow great; and if it succeed ill, then are we overthrown, horse and foot; " and more indignantly by Sir Gelly Meyrick, who bursts out, also in the ears of Reynolds: --"The scoms we receive from England hinder her Majesty's service more in a year than any money will repair. Let Ra: and Carey prate. They are infamous here for their service."

One other quotation from Cholmley's letter will serve to show at what personal expense Essex was accustomed to carry on a campaign (p. 273) :-"As touching the state of our house, we are at "least 100 persons, beside 10 or 50 persons that sit at my Lord's "table. Our expenses betwixt £35 and £40 per diem in meat and "drink, beside the charges of the stable, servants' wages and "liveries, and money that flies daily out of my Lord's purse, "which I do esteem to be as much as the charge of meat and drink. "Considering the prices of provisions that have been heretofore "in Ireland, they are now at a very dear rate, a cow 60s., a mutton "10%., a veal 208., a hen 127., a chicken 6d., a lb. butter 6d., a pig 28. 6d., a bushel of wheat 4s., a field pigeon 4d.; so that I pray "God we may return conquerors, for sure I am we shall return beggars."

66

While the preparations for the journey into Ulster were going forward, though not too eagerly pressed, and when the month of August had not far advanced, there arose occasion (p. 289) to send news to England-as suddenly despatched as the cause was unexpected—of a disaster in Connaught, by which Sir Coniers Clifford, Sir Alexander Radcliffe, and others of less note, to the number of "well nigh two hundred," lost their lives. "Presaged" in some mysterious manner by Essex himself in private talk ere yet the journey was undertaken, it still seemed, when it had come to pass, as one of the "things fatal,"-foreseen and feared, but unavoidable-and then, when it had happened, Essex could "breathe nothing but revenge." It fell to the Lord Chamberlain's lot to acquaint the Queen with this "unfortunate news. "of the accursed kingdom of Ireland" (p. 302). Lord Hunsdon tells Cecil of the manner in which it was received. "It seemeth that she expected no good success could

accompany him there that would follow no good direction. "here, yet, like a prince, will show no sorrow where it shall "be too late and remediless," and the ill news was not allowed to interfere with her "disport a hunting" next day.

"He

prisoner.

There is but one allusion in the papers in this volume, and that the slightest, late in the year, to the Earl of Essex's sudden return to England, and none whatever to any of the sensational circumstances connected with it. So far as this volume goes, there is a blank in the history of events which concern him during a period comprised within the latter half of August and the whole of September. When next he appears, it is as the prisoner of his friend Sir Thomas Egerton, Essex a the Master of the Rolls and Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, at York House, a broken man in body, mind and fortune. did eat nothing," reports the Lord Keeper, "and this night "hath rested little, being troubled with a great looseness, which "enforced him to rise often, and other distemperatures both in his "stomach and head." The heroic figures of the history books were after all intensely human, a truism which an intimate acquaintance with the contents of a collection of papers such as these at Hatfield very clearly enforces. "For his private estate, which "he complaineth to be weak and broken, "humbly that two of his servants

... he desireth may have access unto

"him to receive instructions to deal with his creditors, which be "many and earnest, and violent to take advantage of forfeitures of "mortgages and bonds wherein himself and others for him stand "deeply engaged." The office of gaoler was not one that Egerton. filled with much satisfaction to himself. He, however, takes the Secretary's "grace and friendly admonition and advice" in this connexion (p. 368), " with more contentment in this your kind and "loving dealing with me than I can well express, and I will ever "cherish your favour and good opinion as that which I prize and "esteem very dear and precious." As regards his attitude towards Essex, he claimed to be discretion's self. "For myself "I have learned and observed silentii tutum præmium. If I "hear any speech, my answer is so sparing as for the most part "it is no more but Cor regis in manu Domini, and that I wish "and hope that all will be well, and her Majesty's counsel guided "to an honourable and good end." Egerton himself was very much of an invalid at the time, "fitter for the physician and "apothecary than for any good use" (p. 372). The death, a few

Dat sy frienme ve hame reached the period of the closing Ageron now reports p. 403. - There

The print. He desireth that for their ease some other my to 20% te permitted to watch with him in the night, to Sere at 9 and to depart at 7 or 8 in the morning, so that wowy to that be with him might be somewhat relieved, and beter enabled to perform their service."

1 irroiovant to recall the fact, in order to show at how grupe he had been lived, that Essex at this time was still guing than to years, only thirty-two.

In a letter quoted above there is an allusion to his wife's Lady Essex. solicitude on his behalf. There are three letters from Lady Essex herself in this volume. The first (p. 166) was written not long after her husband's departure for Ireland, and is addressed to his friend the Earl of Southampton, who was evidently accustomed to correspond with her. Now she writes in confident strain and "but infinitely longs to hear of her lord's happy pro"ceedings against the proud rebels." She is at the moment in good spirits, and must add a jocular postscript, imputing her friend Sir Henry Davers's silence to his desire to write in Irish, "which is more eloquent than the English." The next is written from a sick-bed, some months later, to her "dear "Lord" himself, after she had had the "good fortune" to receive two letters from him, "the joy of which did deliver me out of a "fever." It is tender and pathetic. "None that sees me now "would believe I were with child, for I am less than I was two "months ago. Your son Roben is better than ever he was. I fear "I shall never receive so great comfort of my other little one "unless I quickly mend." The third is still later, in the last month of the year, written under the weight of the sorrow of her husband's misfortune, tendering to "good Mr. Secretary" "the "slender recompense of simple thanks," for his kindness in procuring the Queen's consent "for her infinitely wished access to "her weak lord." She expresses herself prettily in offering him what she modestly calls "so beggarly a tribute." "Beeleeve, S, I "pray you, that as pitty only and no merritt of mine was the true "motive of your honorable mediacion on my behalf: so no time or "fortune shall ever extingwish in my lord and mee a thankfull "memory and due acknowledgment of so undeserved a benefitt, "from him whom this frendly favour assures mee will never bee "proved my lord's maliceious enemy. The respect of your mani"fold busines makes me forbeare to trouble you longer with my "scribled lines, but in thankfullest manner to rest your "exceedingly beeholdinge frend, Fra: Essex" (p. 411).

Next in interest to the Earl of Essex himself, and from some Essex's Secretaries. points of view even more interesting, is the group of secretaries and immediate followers whom he gathered round him, to wit, Edward Reynolds, William Temple, Henry Wotton, Henry Cuffe, William Cholmley and others. All those named, except the first, accompanied him to Ireland, there, "poor scribes," to be" tired out with infinity of several services," while Reynolds,

The Spanish
Alarm.

left behind in England to look after his master's interests at home, was envied as able to follow his "contentments in Court "and City." Reynolds-"Honest Ned," "Good Ned," the man of many friends-was the correspondent of them all, and also the recipient of sundry barrels of Irish "usquebach," the peculiar quality of which renowned liquor the English invaders were clearly not slow to appreciate.

There are a number of letters from Cuffe and Temple. The former was largely employed in making transcripts of letters for his master, and it is Temple who represents himself as one of the poor wearied scribes (p. 161). Cuffe was clearly a very busy man. On the first arrival in Ireland, his "brain-pan" is said to be (p. 144) "wonderfully shaken by the importunity, or "rather sauciness of the indiscreet martial sort," and later, in excuse of an important omission of a line in one of Essex's despatches copied by him, he himself pleads (p. 237) "exceeding "haste and overmuch watching (for I assure you I wrote it after "midnight)." When the course of events in Ireland assumed an unpropitious aspect, he tells Reynolds (p. 270) that he was sometimes threatened by Essex to be employed in another role"to be sent into England to argue and apologise for his virtue "and true worth against those who so maliciously and sycophant"like detract from his honourable and noble endeavours," a task from which he shrank, the times being so bad and the humours surly. But as regards Essex himself, Cuffe had made his choice: "Jacta est alea. I would rather lose with him than gain with "his opposites," says he. An ominous and prophetic statement!

There was one short space during the summer of 1599 when the attention of the nation was sharply arrested by an alarm of danger, supposed to be near at hand, though there was complete uncertainty where the blow might be looked for, whether by way of the Thames, or at some spot of the south-west coast, or in the remote district of the extreme point of South Wales. The idea had long been prevalent that "the enemy "-the name had no meaning in England at this epoch save as applied to Spainwould seize the opportunity of the pre-occupation in Ireland, to take her old foe at a disadvantage, and strike a blow to some purpose. Sir Thomas Leighton, from Guernsey, in the very first month of the year (p. 20), reported a rumour of a great army preparing for Ireland and the Channel Islands.