scholar, who says: "With Christian schools, churches, and colleges, let us put jackscrews under the feet of the foreigners' children, and lift up the low until they look with level eyes into the eyes of the greatest!”

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John Ruskin gave away his money, labored for the poor, and inaugurated social reforms, continued the speaker. England broke his heart. The world never cared for nor understood John Ruskin, who said that there was a day when, if England had said a kind word to him or done something for the poor, she would have brought a flush of pride to his cheek. The world has never cared for its best men. We will discover after a time that Ruskin brought us a message that is to save us from trampled cornfields and bloody streets.

V. CHARLES KINGSLEY AND CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.

CHARLES KINGSLEY (1819-1875).

Kingsley spread Maurice's new gospel of higher education for the people throughout all England. Like Arnold and Robertson, Kingsley wished to reach the classes as well as the masses. Accordingly he wrote a series of remarkable sociological novels which, from their striking character, found a wide and appreciative reading. The two most famous of these novels are Alton Locke and Yeast. The former describes the actual condition of the working classes in the great city of London. Kingsley had learned his facts from acquaintance and association with Chartist leaders, one of whom is the chief character in the story. The novel concerns more especially the miseries of the journeymen tailors of London, who, fifty years ago, were in a very pitiful condition. Indeed, the system continues unto this day in the so-called "sweating system," and, in the sad case of the poor sewing women, not only in England but in our own country. Kingsley made Alton Locke, "tailor and poet," the mouthpiece of suffering English labor and of the rights and wrongs of Chartism. The story is a painful one, but not without historical value as revealing a condition of economic society from which the world has not yet freed itself.

Kingsley's novel, Yeast, is so entitled because it shows what was brewing in the minds of young England; what ideas of social reform the more heroic men and women entertained. The story pictures the condition of rural England and the terrible demoralization that had come over day laborers. The story is not without interest as showing Kingsley's views, which were those of Maurice and Arnold with regard to the duty of the Church toward social problems.

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Kingsley was a broad churchman, and once said: "In plain truth, the English clergy must Arnoldize if they do not wish to go either to Rome or to the workhouse before fifty years are out. There is, I do believe, an Arnoldite spirit rising; but most 'laudant non sequntur.' I would devote soul and body to get together an Arnoldite party of young men if we could but begin a periodical in which everyone should be responsible by name for his own article, thereby covering any little differences of opinion, such as must always exist in a reforming party (though not.in a dead-bone galvanizing one, like the Tractarians).’

The relation of Kingsley to Maurice is indicated by the part Kingsley took in writing for the Christian Socialist under the signature of "Parson Lot," and his remark after he had completed his novel called Yeast: "I think this will explain a good deal of Maurice." Kingsley was the popularizer of Christian socialism. By his romantic writings, his ballads, and his splendid eloquence, Kingsley carried Christian truth into the hearts of the common people of England. He opposed the riotous demonstrations of the Chartists in 1847 by placards affixed to the walls of buildings in London. He recognized the need of reform, but maintained that it must begin with the individual. Christianity alone could effect healthy social changes. The influence of

1 Charles Kingsley's Life and Letters, 143.

Maurice had been chiefly confined to the city of London. Kingsley worked in the rural districts, and, through his popular writings, affected all England. He was a simple country curate, doing the hardest kind of practical work in his parish. But he found time for one or two noteworthy educational experiments. Most interesting was his institution of " Penny Readings," described in Kingsley's Life and Letters (II, 231),

KINGSLEY'S PENNY READINGS.

During his heavy parish work, which was done single-handed the greater part of this year (1866), he was more than ever struck by the monotonous, colorless existence of the English laborer, varied only by the yearly benefit club day and the evenings at the public house. The absence of all pleasure from their lives weighing heavily upon his heart, more especially in the case of the poor hardworked wives and mothers, who, if respectable, were excluded from even the poor amusements of the men; and for their sake, as well as for his men and boys, he began a series of penny readings, which now have become so common. It was characteristic of his chivalrous spirit that at the first meeting, when the schoolroom was crowded with men and boys, he made an appeal to them for their wives and mothers, dwelling on the life of toil they led, and saying how anxious he was to give them a share in this amusement, which they so sorely needed. It was therefore arranged that while the men and boys paid their pennies the widows and poor overburdened mothers should have free tickets.

These meetings, in which his parishioners would kindly help him, occurred once a fortnight, and though set on foot for the poor, brought all classes pleasantly together during the autumn and winter nights. They had music (the best that could be got), the best poetry, the most heroic stories. Sometimes he would give simple lectures on health; accounts of his own travels; and latterly extracts from his eldest son's letters from abroad, in which stories expressly for the Penny Readings at home were not forgotten. Village concerts too were given, got up by his daughter and son, in which friends from London helped for his sake; and the sight of the well-lighted and decorated room to people who saw nothing at home from one year's end to another but a farthing dip candle was a pleasure in itself. The poor mothers were gratified at seeing their sons in Sunday garments step up on the platform to help in choruses and part songs, while the young men gained self-respect and refinement by the share they took in the preparation as well as the performance. "It was to him most curious," he used to say, "to watch the effect of music upon the poor people-upon, alas! seemingly unimpressionable drudges, in whom one would expect to find no appreciation for refined sound;" but yet who would walk 2 miles to the village schoolroom on a wet night and sit in rapt attention the whole evening, showing their approbation of good music, not by noisy applause, but by a kindling face and eye during the piece, and a low hum of approbation after, that hinted at a deep musical undercurrent below that rugged exterior. Penny readings are common now, but in his own immediate neighborhood the rector of Eversley took the lead in inaugurating these pleasant gatherings.

CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.

The rise of Christian socialism in England occurred in the time of the Chartists and of the revolutionary striving in the period of 1848. Historically considered, the Christian socialistic movement represents an organized effort by certain English churchmen and social economists-Maurice, Kingsley, Hughes, E. Vansittart Neale, Furnivall, Lord Goderich, Ludlow, and-Mansfield-to apply the doctrines of the New Testament to a settlement of economic evils. Maurice was a clergyman of the Church of England, and professor of religious philosophy in the University of Cambridge. At the time of the popular uprising he was acting as chaplain of Lincoln's Inn, in London. This institution was a law school in a quarter of London where many poor people live. From this center Maurice, aided by other university men, endeavored to carry relief to the suffering and instruction to the ignorant. His great idea for

1 The demands of Chartism were all reasonable, as we now view them, but at the time of the revolution of 1848 they were thought to be incendiary in spirit. The six points were: (1) Manhood suffrage; (2) abolition of the property qualification; (3) vote by ballot; (4) annual Parliament; (5) payment of members of Parliament; (6) equal electoral districts.

the improvement of the industrial situation was to substitute the principle of association or cooperation for competition in trade and manufactures. In this object he was strongly aided by the writings and teachings of Charles Kingsley, who drafted placards or posters for the enlightenment of the London populace and for the prevention of extreme measures by the Socialists or Chartists. Kingsley and Maurice united for the support of a journal called Politics for the People. In this weekly journal the Christian Socialists gave expression to their ideas and condemned not only the teaching of doctrinaires, but the manifest evils of English industrial society in 1848. The clergy of the Church of England did not escape the denunciations of these reformers.

The Christian Socialists were ably seconded by John Malcolm Ludlow, a lawyer and political economist. He had been brought up in Paris, and had belonged to a society of Friends of the Poor, founded by a Lutheran clergyman. Ludlow had been greatly influenced by the writings of Fourier and of the great educational reformer, Dr. Arnold. From Fourier, Ludlow derived his faith in cooperation, and from Arnold his faith in religion as a practical means for the remedy of social and economic evils. Ludlow, after his settlement in London, used to visit the poorer quarters of the city and there make the acquaintance of workingmen, among whom he endeavored to establish Bible classes. He obtained the hearty alliance of workingmen like Walter Cooper and Thomas Shorter, who became very prominent in the formation of workingmen's associations and the Workingmen's College, described in connection with the work of Maurice.

In the educational campaign by the Christian Socialists there was no spirit of propaganda for the Church of England. No workingman was refused admission because he differed in faith from the leaders or because he was an infidel or an atheist. The college was simply a means of intellectual and social union for university men and workingmen, who, in common studies and common pleasures, forgot their differences of class and station and worked together for social reform and cooperation.

Another fruit of Christian socialism was a line of experiments in practical cooperation for production and distribution; but these experiments did not succeed. English libraries were not yet sufficiently developed for business management. The necessary self-control, intelligence, and experience were all lacking. Gradually the reformers learned to direct their attention more to education than to practical economics.

Very prominent among the Christian socialists was E. Vansittart Neale, a member of an old English family and a man of considerable wealth. He endeavored to encourage the formation of cooperative societies for production, but was unable to carry out his ideas. He became the general secretary of the Cooperative Union of Great Britain, and was among the chief representatives of this idea of industrial association. He spent his life in endeavoring to ameliorate the condition of the working classes, and carried on a correspondence with industrial reformers in all parts of Europe, America, and Australia.

CITY OF LONDON COLLEGE.

In 1848 the Rev. Charles Mackenzie, a friend of Frederick Denison Maurice, opened in Salvador House, Bishopsgate, the so-called Metropolitan Evening Classes, to improve the moral, intellectual, and spiritual condition of young men. Removed first to Crosby Hall and afterwards, in 1860, to Sussex Hall, Leadenhall street, into quarters once occupied by a Jewish literary institute, these evening classes became known as the City of London College. Students educationally qualified were allowed some share in the management of the institution.

By 1882 the number of students had increased to 1,500, and Sussex Hall was no longer adequate to their needs. The following year a new building, costing £16,000,

was opened in White street, Moorfields, by the Prince and Princess of Wales. This building is said to be capable of accommodating 4,000 students. It contains a large laboratory, art rooms, a coffee room, and a reading room, which is open from 10 in the morning until 10 at night all the year round. Lectures and entertainments are given once a week in the large hall. There are about 150 classes and 66 different subjects taught in the City of London College. There are about 40 teachers and professors who for their compensation are entirely dependent upon fees, two-thirds of which go to the instructor and one-third to the college. Favorite courses are those in art, science, modern languages, and subjects which lead to higher commercial education. Indeed, this is par eminence the college of commerce. The aim is not so much to afford technical or liberal education as to train clerks, warehousemen, and artisans to greater commercial and industrial efficiency. Women, as well as men, are admitted to all classes, except those in law, mechanics, and bookkeeping, and those which prepare students for the civil-service examinations. The City of London College, since its beginning, has had as many as 60,000 students. In the plans for the educational reorganization of London it is probable that this popular commercial college and the Birkbeck Institute will be associated with the City Polytechnic. (See University Extension Journal, March, 1890.)

THE SPIRIT OF 1848.

The effect of the spirit of the revolution of 1848 upon the student class in England is illustrated in the following extract from Frederic Harrison's autobiographical article in The Forum, October, 1890. He was a boy at King's College when the great revolutionary movement of 1848 swept over Europe. He says of himself and his fellow-students:

We were too continually impressed by the burning questions which arose day by day to be satisfied with any abstract politics. London and Oxford corrected each other. Plato and Lord Palmerston taught very different codes of politics. We were interested by both, and by a thousand new events which neither of these masters seemed to me to explain. Like most of my companions, I came to the conclusion that society in the middle of the nineteenth century was an extraordinarily complex thing-a thing of intrinsic and of profound meaning. Gradually I settled into a deep, lasting, and passionate sympathy with the popular cause everywhere and in all forms. Having no hereditary or acquired prejudices in favor of any class or of any special type of society, I slowly parted with my boyish liking for conquerers, cavaliers, and princesses in distress, and took my side with the cause of oppressed nations and the struggling people.

VI. UNIVERSITY REFORMS SINCE 1850.

UNIVERSITY EXTENSION FOR THE POOR.

From the time of the Chartist movement there was on the part of English university men an ever-increasing interest in the higher education of the people. The idea of extending academic privileges more widely found special favor at Oxford, where so many intellectual and religious movements have originated. As early as 1845, men prominent in church and state, among them Mr. Gladstone, petitioned the university to admit students of more limited means, and offered to give pecuniary aid to this object. Dr. Pusey, the High Churchman, afterwards commended the plan, and recalled the fact that in medieval times the monks of Durham used systematically to send talented boys to be educated at the university. It was early felt by Oxford professors that the university ought "to do something to meet the wants of the increasing numbers of the population, and especially to make more opening for those for whom a great part of its advantages were always intended, the youth of promise who have not at present the means of obtaining university education for themselves."

This revival of the original idea and medieval purpose of college endowments, marks the theoretical beginning of modern University Extension. Mr. Osborne Gordon, of Christ Church, said: "I look for the extension of the university to the poor." In this thought we discover at once a pious return to the spirit of the Middle Ages, so characteristic of the Oxford and High Church movements, and, at the same time, what is equally characteristic, a growing sympathy with the democratic and social tendencies of the age. This double aspect of University Extension, at once historic and progressive, is very remarkable.

Mackinder and Sadler, in their interesting account of how University Extension came to be, thus describe the condition of Oxford in the transitional period marked by the year 1850:

There was indeed much in the condition of the University of Oxford which called for change. The expenses of collegiate life, especially when compared with the standard of that time were great, while the subscription to the thirty-nine articles required at matriculation, and the subscription to the three articles of the Thirtysixth Canon, on presentation for a degree, excluded one class of the community from university education. As to the propriety of making any alteration in the religious tests, there was of course grave difference of opinion both in the university and outside it; but men of all parties seem to have felt the importance of facilitating the admission of a poorer class of students to the privileges of university life. The strength and prevalence of this feeling is proved by the evidence given before the Oxford University Commission of 1850. I believe," said Mr. Arthur Clough, in the considerations which he submitted to that commission, "I believe in the possibility of a gradual, sure, and ultimately large extension of the old universities." "The ideal of national university" Mr. Mark Pattison argued before the same body, "is that it should be coextensive with the nation, it should be the common source of the whole of the higher (or secondary) instruction for the country." "The university,' he continued, quoting from Gordon, "should strike its roots freely into the subsoil of society and draw from it new elements of life and sustenance of mental and moral power."

SEVEN OXFORD SCHEMES, 1850.

The authorities already quoted mention seven different "plans for University Extension" proposed at Oxford in 1850. Briefly enumerated, they were as follows:

1. The establishment of new halls for student residence. This plan was approved. The custom of lodging outside the regular college buildings is growing in favor at Oxford, as in American college towns. It is said now to be the almost invariable experience of every Oxford undergraduate to reside elsewhere than in his own college during some part of his academical career. This fact is not without significance in the history of College Extension. Everywhere students are leaving monkish dormitories and are becoming citizens. The revolution was practically effected in Germany years ago.

2. Permission to undergraduates to lodge in private houses. This proposition was also approved. It is the most natural civic solution of the dormitory question in America. It enables students to live like other members of society, according to their means and inclinations.

3. Permission to become members of the university and to be educated at Oxford without connection with any college or hall. This concession was also made.

4. Admission of students to professorial lectures without further connection with the university, professors having power to grant certificates of attendance. This was simply the recognition of an existing custom, which still prevails. The idea is worthy of consideration by American colleges and universities.

5. Abolition of religious tests on matriculation and graduation. At that time (1850) the Oxford Commission did not feel empowered to consider this radical measure, but expressed some dissatisfaction with the test system as then imposed. That system

'Oxford "halls" differ from "colleges" in not being corporate bodies. The university holds hall property in trust.