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experiment has thus far been successful; because, by the continual addtion of new states, the influence of each of the members of the Union is constantly restrained and reduced. No one, of course, can fortell the way and manner of travel; but history indicates with unerring certainty the end which the several confederacies would reach. Licentiousness would render life intolerable; and they would sooner or later purchase tranquility and domestic safety by the surrender of liberty, and yield themselves up to the protection of military despotism.

SCIENCE PLEADING FOR PEACE.

At the late meeting of the Social Science Congress in Glasgow, Lord Brougham read from two eminent Frenchmen, Garrer Pogis and Demarest, a paper from which we quote a few extracts:

"We wish to rouse all generous souls against war-the terrible scourge of humanity—and with you to seek the means of preventing it. May God hear and help us! Sovereigns of states are excited to war by ambitious interests, feelings of hatred, personal questions, desire for glory, or a. thirst fer revenge. War is sometimes in their hands an instrument of expending the vital fire which animates a nation, and the thirst for liberty which devours it. But for the people there is only one kind of war which is just it is the war entered upon to defend their homes, the tomb of their ancestors, the cradle of their children, their standard, honor, liberty, independence, their native land, sacred word in which all is contained, for there is no native land for the coward who submits without resistance. Except war in the defensive, all war is a crime against humanity. The glory which sometimes arises from it, fills the world with mourning and despair; the day of expiation will come sooner or later.

For some time past the present period seems destined for great disas ters. We hear the word, a general war in Europe;' and because Italy has recovered her ancient spirit, and a hero who wears his sword to deliver her from the yoke of the stranger, the whole earth seems shaken. Europe looks on attentively, and trembles with emotion. But must there be a general war? Against whom? Against what? Where is the individual, or the party, or the nation, to whom war would not be fatal ?"

After alluding to the evils inseparable from war to the various nations of Europe, they say, "We know that by the discoveries of science war would for the future be fearfully disastrous. Every day new weapons of war are invented, cannons with a range of from six to eight kilometers, which would carry the strongest walls in an instant, and by their power carry off masses at once. We cannot forget that at the battle of Solferino there were in a single day, of Austrians, Piedmontese, and French, more than a hundred thousand left wounded or dead on the battle-field. A friend of ours, who is captain of a vessel, told us that the English and French vessels are so well armed, and their sailors so good, that two ships could not fight without being both destroyed at the end of an hour. We do not mention this in order to attempt frightening the two nations. They have learned together, fighting side by side in the Crimea, how both can die. But as philosophers, we cannot but think that Providence seems to endow men with the power of inventing such instruments of destruction that they shall not be able to fight. In a general European war, can we think without trembling of the loss which would be sustained in men and riches, the cities ruined, dwellings ransacked, the warehouses destroyed, and countries laid waste ?

It is better to view this infernal picture before than afterwards. Can anything be more fearful than seeing men, who loved and esteemed each other the day before, throwing themselves upon each other, tearing each other with the sword, the sabre, the bayonet, the dagger, the gun, the pistol, the cannon, devouring each other with their teeth like ferocious animals; and all this for difficulties which might have been avoided, and which are generally more intricate after the battle than they were before? In former times when nations warred against each other, in destroying the neighboring country they only wronged that one country, as they consumed only the products of their own land, and produced no more than they consumed; but in our days, when one country produces for others, and the neighboring lands consume our products, there is no interest in killing our purchasers, and impoverishing them. The nations in our times are closely connected with each other. Great Britain could not make war on the United States without injuring her own interests. Science, commerce, industry and agriculture, have changed the intercourse of men over the world, especially in Europe. The old world is dead: a new world is rising. Happy are those who see and prepare for it; they shall be the first among all. By the railways, barriers are broken down, mountain chains are penetrated, rivers are no longer any frontiers. The sun shines for all. Nations approach, see, know, esteem and love each other. By the telegraph, distance exists no longer; people converse spontaneously with each other, from one end of the earth to the other. By commerce, industry and agriculture, they have continual intercourse, they have common interests and identical aims. Credit has become one in Europe. From the moment it is affected in one place, all other places of commerce and business are involved in it. The State loans are drawn from all sources. The last loans made by the Russian Government, to pay the last expenses of the Crimean war against France and England, were drawn from France and England. The French are interested in the construction of railways in Russia, Austria, Spain and Italy. These are evident facts; it is impossible to deny them, and not to see that the finger of God points out another end in view for which we require new ideas and new means of acting. Science and credit are advancing towards that end; politics alone are behind. Diplomacy seems powerless. Fate seems to play with the perspicacity of diplomatists. Diplomacy negotiates a great deal; it is always negotiating, but never advancing. The treaty of Villafranca died before it

was born.

In these circumstances we have come to you, gentlemen, to ask you, who have taken upon yourselves the sublime mission of advancing the cause of social science, to lend us your aid in its diffusion over the whole of Europe. We can foresee, at an approaching period, the creation of the United States of Europe, leaving to each nation their nationality, customs and character. As individuals retain their personality in a community, towns in a state, so will every nation retain its nationality in the association of the European States. We can foresee a parliament composed of the representatives of every country, regularly elected, who will decide on all international questions. We would ask you, could you not add to your important sections that of "International Relations." to discuss all the projects of the European future, the news of a new world? Call to you all the celebrated men of all the courts of Europe our countrymen will eome by hundreds; and when you have invited them on the soil of Great Britain, you may exclaim, The nations have shaken hands! the blessed work is accomplished.'"

It is clear that the essential ideas involved in our plan of a Congress of Nations, are gradually yet surely working their way into the public mind,

and must in time be woven into something like that at which we aim— such a system for the peaceable adjustment of all national disputes as shall supersede the practice of war; the introduction of laws and courts, instead of the cannon and the sword.

ENGLAND'S WARS HER OWN FAULT.

The formidable invasion of England by the Spanish Armada, was plainly provoked by Elizabeth's unjustifiable conduct. On one occasion, some Spanish ships having taken refuge on the coast of England, she ordered them to be seized, and with their stores, to be appropriated to her use. Her captains were sent to the Spanish settlements in South America, and there committed acts, which in Algerines and Malays would be condemned as piracy. Jealous as Elizabeth was of her own rights and dignities, and of her power to dictate what form of religion she thought proper to her own subjects, she yet completed her provocations by sending large sums of money, and 6000 troops to the Netherlands, to assist them in throwing off their allegiance to the King of Spain. Irritated by such acts, Philip determined to subdue England, hoping that when he had done so, he should be able to recover the Netherlands with ease. While, therefore, we view with abhorrence the Spanish barbarities in the Netherlands, we must remember that those provinces were perhaps more legitimately subject to the king of Spain, than British India is to the crown of England; and would not most Englishmen think, that in a similar circumstance, they had ground for "a just and necesssary war?"

With regard to the French war, and the contemplated invasion of England by Napoleon Bonaparte, it is now generally admitted that England was the aggressor, and by her unnecessary interference caused much of the bloodshed and misery in which Europe was involved for twenty years. When the news of the insurrection in Paris in 1792 reached this country, our Ambassador was immediately recalled, and shortly afterwards the French Ambassador was ordered to leave England. It had been stipulated in a treaty between the countries, that such an act should be considered equivalent to a declaration of war. The French, however, redoubled their efforts to maintain peace. Even Allison says, "No doubt can now exist, that the interference of the Allies augmented the horrors and added to the duration of the Revolution." To extricate themselves from the dilemma in which many, who professed to vindicate defensive wars only, were involved by their eagerness to plunge into the late Russian war, they called that "a just and necessary war." Probably, most of them now see that it was an unnecessary and unjustifiable war.

It appears that, for nearly eight centuries, England has not been engaged even in a defensive war, but such as she might have avoided by noninterference with the affairs of other nations. History, however, tells fearful tales of her aggressive wars in every quarter of the world. There needs no other evidence against her as an invader and aggressor, than the common boast of Englishmen, that "the sun never sets on the dominions of their sovereign."-Herald of Peace.

RECRUITING IN RUSSIA.-No new levy of men for the Russian army is to take place for three years. After the peace, the Emperor decided that no levy should take place until 1859, and now a new exemption for three years has been accorded.

SECESSION:

OR THE SLAVE-HOLDERS' GREAT REBELLION.

We quote a few extracts embodiyng facts and views on this subject. The whole thing looks more like a wild, crazy dream than like a sober reality. It has arisen not unlike a whirlwind of fire at mid-day upon a western prairie; and unless checked, God only can foresee the full sweep of its evils.

WHAT THE REBELLION IS LIKELY TO COST.-The S. C. Legislature has already made appropriations for war purposes amounting in all to little less than $3,000,000, though the Tax Bill to provide the means for paying has not yet been passed. Probably not less than $2,000,000 additional will be required to cover what is deemed immediately necessary to the plans of the Revolutionists. Not less than $5,000,000 will be required, if everything goes on smoothly, and without war. If the worst should come, there is no telling how much more would be necessary. Considering that the total white population of the State is less than 300,000, she is taking on rather heavy loads."

Such facts as these are only indices of what is to come all over the South. We have not at hand the data requisite for a full or exact comparison with what South Carolina has heretofore been paying under the Federal Government; but we think it safe to say that the former are likely to be three, if not five times as large. They are sure to pay dear enough for their whistle.

HOW THE MONEY IS GOT FOR THESE EXPENSES.-"I learn from Charleston" says a writer in the N. Y. Times," that the proposed State loan of $4.000,000 is already parcelled out among the wealthiest men of the State, and that each one is expected to furnish his share, under the penalty of being considered disaffected. It will be a forced loan as thoroughly as was ever any loan during the French revolution, or during the chronic revolutions of Mexico. The truth is, the secession movement is in the hands of the mob, and the planters, merchants and other men of substance are powerless against them."

"It is beginning to leak out now, through private but reliable information, that merchants and other men of property are compelled by threats of personal violence to become subscribers to the State loan. Some who were told that unless they paid $1,000 each, their houses would be torn down over their heads, have paid it, and then fled for their own safety and that of their families, to cities further north. It is also reported, and there is no reason to doubt the truth of the report, that a tax has been privately levied on slaveholders of $16 per head for each slave owned by them-a tax so onerous that, in some cases, the slaves will be confiscated and sold in order to meet it. Of course all this is kept carefully out of the published news and official procedings. It shows to what straits the secessionists have already reduced themselves, and how they are sowing the seeds of discontent among their own adherents."-Albany Journal.

A leading citizen of Charleston, writing to the Philadelphia Press, says, "I could not publicly utter the sentiments of this letter without risking my life. The leaders of the Convention, like their prototypes of the French revolution, are beginning to be terrified at the fruits of the seed they have sown; but, as yet, the time for reaction is not here. The people have been infuriated through the efforts of the politicians, and now

like a Parisian mob, are pushing their captains and lieutenants into the very midst of the danger. What may bring these men to their senses is, the tax-system they have adopted. When a per capita sum is levied upon negro slaves, those who began and have driven forward this miserable business, will feel, in their own purses, that which is now afflicting men in my situation. They wil be brought to their senses; for it stands to reason that we can no more mantain a permanent military force without immense and burdensome taxation, than we can eat our own cotton, or trade with Europe with Uncle Sam's fleet in our harbor."

"Several gentlemen, who have been engaged in trade at Charleston," says a Philadelphia paper, "have arrived North within a few days. One of them kept a provision and grocery store. A demand was made upon him for an exorbitant sum to sustain the State authorities. He offered them State stocks; but they would accept only a moderate amount of these securities, and finaly they removed by force about one half of all the goods from his store. He did not dare to remonstrate; but he quietly sent his slaves to Richmond, Va., and, between two days, packed up the remainder of his property, and left the State. Ilis case, he says, is only a sample of multitudes of others. It is no uncommon thing to notice the closing of stores, when an inspection of the premises reveals the fact that all the merchandise has been removed."

no money.

EFFECT ON BUSINESS." Every man in the community (Charleston) is anxious. Almost any change would be accepted as a relief. Business is as nearly suspended as possible. Merchants' new year's accounts bring Where thousands are due, dollars fail to be forthcoming. Merchants of large means have hardly the necessary money to pay their daily expenses. The failure to respond to their obligations at the North, is not the consequence of any disposition to avoid such obligations, but is the result of the impossibility of collections in the interior. Planters' crops have come forward only in a limited degree. Of course they cannot pay till they have realized from the crops. Again, the last three months sales have been as nearly nothing in many branches of business as possible. No man has bought anything he could dispense with. Hence stocks have accumulated, and merchants cannot pay notes with stocks in their stores. Owners of bonds, stocks, real estate, find it impossible to raise money on them. Everything combines to render it next to impossible to get ready money."-Cor. Boston Post,

A letter from Montgomery, Ala., says, "I notice that your journals speak of the stagnation of business in your city (N. Y.) The word may do very well for you; but we need a noun of more forcible import. Seek out for us a word which expresses most strongly, not declination, but death, annihilation; a word which tells of laborers without work, stores without customers, banks without deposits, a whole people living on credit. The time for festivities has come ; but there are no festivities. There is no social life. There is no business life. Real estate is falling every hour, plans are withdrawn from the hands of builders, orders for goods countermanded, even poor sewing women find themselves without work, because the ladies say they must try to do for themselves what they cannot do without. Everywhere there is an air of seriousness, if not of gloom. These are not discoveries of mine, made up from rare exceptions, but the common topics of street chats and evening calls. In some parts of the country there promises to be positive suffering."

"I have been, "says one from Miss., Dec. 25th, "through several counties in this State, and some of the northern counties in Alabama; and I have no

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