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Eastern universities for the older states; but for that greater number of American commonwealths that have grown up on the public domain, the field, as Bryce suggests, is still practically a wilderness.

Nor do the histories of the newer states concern the historian alone. Economic phenomena in all stages of development and extending over shorter and longer periods of time are here presented on a scale which perhaps has never before been paralleled. This is seen in the phenomena, witnessed in the course of a single generation, of a vast objective environment settled by isolated individuals or groups of individuals, of the rapid growth of population by additions from without and from within, of the economic integration of agricultural and of urban communities, of the growth of a social surplus, of the appearance of new wants and the development of concomitant means of satisfaction, of the location of industries, of transportation and of great markets. Again, in the origin and growth of Western communities the Sociologist has found material for his science. Here he observes the phenomena of social genesis, of aggregation, of social integration and of social impulses and desires.

It is, however, to the study of American Politics that the histories of the states, when written, are likely to make the most valuable contributions. The need of such contributions is now quite evident. For, with the exception of certain maxims and concepts drawn from Constitutional Law, there are but few principles of scientific rank generally recognized in political discussions; yet the phenomena in this field have certainly reached a coherency and definiteness that will admit of scientific treatment. But before we

But before we can hope for the development of a complete science in American Politics, more and better data must be brought together in the several states on territorial, commonwealth, and local government.

In order to economize time and energy and avoid bad methods, this preliminary work in American Politics must begin at the right point. The histories of the states must be read before their political institutions can be studied to the best advantage. This does not mean that the inductions of history will or can contribute directly to a science of Politics: it simply aims to emphasize the thought that constitutions and statutes are not the whole of government, and that history is an aid in grasping and interpreting political phenomena. Finally, and to come back to the primary object of these publications, the most profitable reading or study of the histories of the American commonwealths, for whatever purpose, is through material from original sources.

The plan of the present publications, although in no sense materially different from that followed in such works as Stubb's Select Charters, Henderson's Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, or Preston's Documents Illustrative of American History, was, however, largely suggested by the admirable Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, which are being edited by Dr. Robinson, Professor Cheney, and Mr. Munro, of the University of Pennsylvania.


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THE early history of Iowa takes its beginnings in the history of the Province of Louisiana. But since the lowa region was not permanently settled until after 1830, this early history is chiefly a history of governments--a bare record of treaties and statutes, of changes in sovereign and subordinate jurisdiction.

Louisiana was first settled by the French near the close of the 17th century. The colony, founded by Iberville in 1699, grew slowly; for “the care of peopling this new and almost uninhabited country, instead of being placed under the charge of one of the superior departments of government, was principally confided to the agents of the Paris police.” The government of the colony was absolute; and its history consisted simply of the acts of those who administered it.

In 1762 Louisiana was ceded to the crown of Spain. But thirty-eight years later it was ceded back to France by the treaty of San Ildefonso. During the period of Spanish dominion the government of the Province was without guaranties to individual liberty. It was strikingly military in character. Everywhere the military chief was at the head of the civil organization. The prevailing system of juris

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prudence was that of the Civil Law. Indeed, the Roman Code may be said to have furnished the laws for the government of Louisiana.

In 1803 the whole of Louisiana was purchased by the United States. To America at large this purchase was “an event so portentous as to defy measurement; it gave a new face to politics, and ranked in historical importance next to the Declaration of Independence.” While to the future commonweath of Iowa the acquisition had a no less 'serious significance: since through it Iowa fell heir to the institutions of the Common Law of England.

The treaty with France was ratified at Washington October 19th, 1803; and by the act of October 31st the President of the United States was authorized by Congress to take possession of and occupy the country-virtually as its absolute ruler. On the 20th of December Governor Claiborne took formal possession of the government at New Orleans. The upper province, however, was not delivered

. up until March of the year next following.

By the act of March 26th, 1804, Congress divided the country into two territories--the Territory of Orleans and the District of Louisiana. Orleans was fully organized into a separate territory; while the District, in a practically unorganized state, was placed under the jurisdiction of the Governor and Judges of the Territory of Indiana.

B. F. S.

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