RECAPITULATION. Muskets in the U. S. Arsenal, 4219 Muskets in the several Regiments, as returned to the Quarter Pistols in the Arsenal, with implements, &c., 100 100 ... REPORT AND RESOLUTIONS OF THE MINORITY OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE RAISED ON SO MUCH OF THE GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE AS RELATES TO THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS, &c. [REFERRED TO ON PAGE 104 OF THE JOURNAL.] The undersigned, a minority of the Committee to whom was referred so much of the Governor's Message as relates to our connection with the Federal Government, Texas and Slavery, respectfully reports: That after mature deliberation upon the subjects embraced in that portion of his Excellency's Message referred to said committee, and as much examination of the same as his other duties would permit him to bestow upon them, he has not been able to coincide in the argument ̈ or to assent to the conclusions of the majority of the committee, as set forth in their report. The undersigned therefore begs leave to state briefly the views entertained by himself upon the subjects embraced in that portion of his Excellency's Message above referred to, and the reasons of his dissent from the conclusions of the majority of the Commit tee. The time which the undersigned has been able to give to the consid. eration of this subject has been altogether too limited to enable him to go into anything like a general discussion of the vast number of matters connected with it, and inasmuch as the benefits or evils of the annexation of Texas to the United States (which is the matter mainly discussed by his Excellency, and by the majority of the Committee), are so soon to be felt and practically realized, mere theorizing and speculation upon the subject becomes comparatively unprofitable. The argument of the above mentioned portion of his Excellency's Message, and the report of the majority of the Committee, are mainly directed to the unconstitutionality of the measure of annexation, and the conclusion of both is, that the Constitution does not warrant it. Were the question new, and this the first time in the history of this Government that the question had arisen whether Congress possesses the power to incorporate into the Union territory not originally belonging to it, the undersigned entertains no doubt but that it might rightfully and constitutionally do so. But the question is not new, and the undersigned does not regard the question, at this period in the history of our nation, as open to discus sion, since the acquisition of the immense territory of Louisiana and the Floridas, which has been recognized and acted upon by every department of the Government. The acquisition of Louisiana, as an authority upon this question, derives additional weight from the fact that it was so soon after the formation of the Constitution, as to have been participated in by many of the framers of that insiroment, and it was consummated under the auspices, and during the administration of one of the most prominent of them, and a man who is at this day admitted by all, to have been one of its soundest and ablest expounders. The repeated attempts on the part of our Government in former years to secure the annexation of Texas to this nation, especially during the administration of John Quincy Adams, through Mr. Henry Clay as Minister of State, go strongly to show that it was then considered by those eminent statesmen as no violation of the Constitution. It is also argued by his Excellency, and by the majority of the Committee, that the measure is unconstitutional, because slavery exists in a portion of the States composing the Union, and in the country proposed to be annexed; and it is also urged that the framers of the Constitution could not have anticipated any extension of territory having slave population, at the time of fixing the ratio of representation, as it might disturb the equilibrium between the free and slave States. The undersigned, in common with men of all parties at the North and many at the South, regards the institution of Slavery as a moral and political evil, and deprecates its existence in the nation, and desires as ardently as any one can do, to see it abolished by any proper and constitutional means; but at the same time, he is entirely unable to perceive any connexion between that institution and the question of annexation, so far as regards its constitutionality. If the question of Slavery is to be brought into the discussion at all, it should only be as to the expediency of the measure. It is undoubtedly true that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, it was hoped and believed that the institution of Slavery would be of but short duration, and hence it did not enter the minds of those men who framed it, to provide for, or preserve, any equilibrium between free and slave siates or territory, and the very existence of that opinion, although erroneous, clearly shows that the framers of the Constitution had not that matter in mind when they provided for the admission of new States into the Union. An objection is also made to the form, under which the measure of annexation is proposed, that if Texas is annexed at all it should be in treaty form, and not in the manner proposed by the Resolutions adopted by Congress at the last session; and to further this objection, it is said that those Resolutions were adopted only by adding the last, which provided that it might be done by treaty, if the President should so elect. The undersigned has not been able to bring himself to believe that the mere form under which annexation should take place is very important, provided the Constitution authorizes it, and does not directly point out any particular manner in which it shall be done. Aud if the object be merely to get the voice of the nation upon the subject, the mode adopted would seem to be preferable to the other, as thereby the measure receiv ed the approbation of both branches of Congress, whereas a treaty for the same purpose would receive the assent of the Senate only. That the Resolutions were adopted merely by adding the last to silence constitutional scruples, can hardly be true, as it was expressly provided that it might be done in either form, and it would seem to be strange that any man could be found in Congress who would vote that it might be done agreeably to the Constitution, or in a manner not agreeable to the Constitution, as the President should direct. The last resolution was added undoubtedly to remove any difficulty in the way of carrying out the measure of annexation, as a matter of mere expediency, and not for the purpose of allaying any constitutional scruples in the mind of any member of Congress. It is also urged by the majority of the Committee, that the preamble to the Constitution of the United States, in declaring the objects of the Union to be" to promote the general welfare, and to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," bears a construction unfavorable to the annexation of Texas. It has been our boast, that our frame of government was the most congenial to liberty of any in the civilized world, and that under it, civil liberty was better protected and more fully enjoyed than under any other. If we are sincere in this, and if it be true, is it not more in accordance with the spirit of the above extract from the preamble of the Constitution to endeavor to enlarge, by all rightful and peaceful means, the area of freedom as much as possible, and confer the blessings of free and enlightened government to a siill wider extent, than to selfishly confine these blessings to ourselves alone? These suggestions are peculiarly forcible, when we remember that much the largest portion of the present inhabitanis of Texas are emigrants from the United States, born and educated under our government, and thoroughly imbued with the principles of civil, republican liberty. Without further discussing the question of constitutionality, the undersigned would merely add, that in his opinion the adoption of such conclusions as his Excellency, and the majority of the Committee, have come to upon this subject, would be most disastrons to the welfare of the Union, and entirely subversive of the same, and that the most ardent wish of the greatest enemy of this Union would be fully answered could such sentiments come to be generally enteriained. If their conclusions be correct, there are many of the states which have for a great number of years been treated and considered as members of the Federal Union, such no longer, and ibis great national confederacy exists only by mutual suffrance. Such doctrines would seem to be too appalling, and too fearful in their consequences, to meet with favor at the hands of any lover of his country. But if the annexation of Texas can be accomplished without violating the Constitution, is it expedient? Against its expediency two objections seem mainly to be urged by his Excellency, and by the majority of the Committee. First, That it will tend to strengthen the slave-holding portion of the Union, to the detriment of the non-slave-holding portion. Second, That it is unjust to the Republic of Mexico. Let us then for a moment consider the effect of the measure upon the institution of Slavery, and what effect would probably be produced by it. If Texas becomes a part of this Union, she of course becomes subject to the law of Congress making the foreign slave trade piracy, and any increase to the present small number of slaves within her limits, must be from the United States, and therefore as much as the slave population is thus increased there, just so much must it be diminished within the limits of the present Union. In relation to this subject, two facts are incontrovertible. First, That slave labor can be much more profitably employed in Texas than in any portion of the United States, in consequence of the greater fertility of the soil, and its better adaptation for all the products of slave labor. Second, That slave labor in all the more northern slave states, has become in fact wholly unprofitable, so much so, that many individuals owning large plantations and large numbers of slaves, are obliged almost annually to sell a portion of their slaves, to procure the means to support the remainder. Hence the strongest of all laws, that of self-interest, would seem to require that the slave population of the northern slave states, in the event of annexation, should be removed to this new country, where vacant lands are abundant and cheap; and it is no mere vision of fancy to presume that in the course of a very few years, so much of the slave population will be removed that several of the present northern slave states will become free, and thus the balance of power between the two sections of the Union be fully preserved. But whether these expectations will be realized or not, the undersigned believes that he may at least, with safety, adopt the language of a very distinguished statesman, and one well acquainted with this subject, and sayThat the subject of slavery ought not to affect the question, one way or the other. Whether Texas be independent, or incorporated into the United States, I do not believe it will prolong or shorten the duration of that institution. It is destined to become extinct at some distant day, in my opinion, by the inevitable laws of population, and it would be unwise to refuse a permanent acquisition, which will last as long as the globe remains, on account of a mere temporary institution." But is it true that the measure is unjust towards Mexico, and has she any right to complain? It is now nearly ten years since Texas threw off her allegiance to the Mexican Government, and declared herself independent, and from that day to this has maintained her independence against the power of Mexican arms. And it is now several years since her independence was acknowledged by this Government and several others of the principal nations of the world. If Mexico had the will and the power to re-possess herself of her revolted province, she has had ample time and opportunity to do so, and neither the law of nations nor the law of nature require that Texas should always be treated as a Mexican province, because she was once 80. After having been independent de facto, for ten years, Mexico has no right to complain if other nations treat her as "of right, free and independent. In addition to the foregoing observations in reply to the objections which have been urged against the measure, the undersigned begs leave to suggest a very few of the reasons, why he believes it expedient to annex Texas to this Government. It is well understood that for a great number of years the United States have been the great producers of cotton for the world. It is also as well understood that for a long time past, Great Britain has |