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tion, riore than I have gained, except one thing | der existing circumstances, gratifying to me; and -the consummation of the great work of resto- in saying they are gratifying to me I wish not ration? My race is nearly run. I have been to indulge in any vanity. If I were to say less placed in the high office which I occupy by the I should not speak the truth, and it is always Constitution of the country, and I may say that best to speak the truth and to give utterance to I have held, from lowest to highest, almost every our sincere emotions. In being so kindly atstation to which a man may attain in our Gov- tended to, and being received as I have been ernment. I have passed through every position, received on this occasion-here to-night, and in from alderman of a village to the Presidency of your city to-day by such a demonstration-I am the United States. And surely, gentlemen, this free to confess that this overwhelms me. should be enough to gratify a reasonable ambi- the mind would be exceedingly dull and the tion. heart almost without an impulse that could not If I had wanted authority, or if I had wished give utterance to something responsive to what to perpetuate my own power, how easily could I has been said and been done. [Cheers.] And behave held and wielded that which was placed in lieve me on this occasion, warm is the heart that my hands by the measure called the Freedmen's feels and willing is the tongue that speaks, and I Bureau bill. [Laughter and applause.] With would to God it were in my power to reduce to an army, which it placed at my discretion, I sentences and to language the feelings and emocould have remained at the capital of the nation, tions that this day and this night have produced. and with fifty or sixty millions of appropriations [Cheers.] I shall not attempt, in reference to at my disposal, with the machinery to be un- what has been said and the manifestations that locked by my own hands, with my satraps and have been made, to go into any speech, or to dependants in every town and village, with the make any argument before you on this occasion, civil rights bill following as an auxiliary, [laugh- but merely to give utterance to the sincere sentiter,] and with the patronage and other appli- ments of my heart. I would that I could utter ances of the Government, I could have proclaimed what I do feel in response to this outpouring of the myself dictator. ["That's true!" and applause.] popular heart which has gone forth on this occaBut, gentlemen, my pride and my amb tion sion, and which will as a legion spread itself and have been to occupy that position which retains communicate with every heart throughout the all power in the hands of the people. [Great Confederacy. [Cheers.] All that is wanting in cheering.] It is upon them I have always relied; the great struggle in which we are engaged is it is upon them I rely now. [A voice: And simply to develop the popular heart of the nathe people will not disappoint you."] And Ition. It is like latent fire. All that is necessary repeat, that neither the taunts nor jeers of is a sufficient amount of friction to develop the Congress, nor of a subsidized, calumniating press, popular sentiment of the popular feeling of the can drive me from my purpose. [Great applause.] American people. [Cheers.] I know, as you I acknowledge no superíor except my God, the know, that we have just passed through a bloody, author of my existence, and the people of the perilous conflict; that we have gentlemen who United States. [Prolonged and enthusiastic are associated with us on this occasion, who have cheering] The commands of the one I try to shared their part and participated in these strug obey as best I can, compatible with poor hu- gles for the preservation of the Union. [Great manity. As to the other, in a political and rep-applause.] Here is the Army, [pointing to the resentative sense, the high behests of the people have always been, and ever will be, respected and obeyed by me. [Applause.]

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Mr. Chairman, I have said more than I had intended to say. For the kind allusion to myself, contained in your address, I thank you. In this crisis, and at the present period of my public life, I hold above all price, and shall ever recur with feelings of profound gratification, to the resolution containing the endorsement of a convention emanating spontaneously from the great mass of the people. With conscientious conviction as my courage, the Constitution as my guide, and my faith in the people, I trust and hope that my future action may be such that you and the Convention you represent may not regret the assurance of confidence you have so generously expressed. ["We are sure of it."]

Before separating, my friends, one and all, please accept my heartfelt thanks for the kind manifestations of regard and respect you have exhibited on this occasion.

In New York, August 29. GENTLEMEN: The toast which has just been drank, and the kind sentiments which preceded it in the remarks of your distinguished representative, the mayor of this city, are peculiarly, un

right, where sat General Grant,] and here the Navy [pointing to the left in the direction of Admiral Farragut.] They have performed their part in restoring the Government to its presen. condition of safety and security; and will it be considered improper in me, on this occasion, to say that the Secretary of State has done his parti [Cheers.] As for the humble individual who now stands before you, and to whom you have so kindly and pleasantly alluded, as to what part he has performed in this great drama, i this struggle for the restoration of the Government and the suppression of rebellion, I will say that I feel, though I may be included in this summing up, that the Government has done its duty. [Cheers.] But though the Gov ernment has done its duty, the work is not yet complete. Though we have passed through fields of battle, and at times have almost been constrained and forced to the conclusion that we should be compelled to witness the Goddess of Liberty, as it were, go scourged through fields of carnage and of blood, and make her exit, and that our Government would be a failure, yet we are brought to a period and to a time in which the Government has been successful. While the enemy have been put down in the field there is still a greater and more important task for you

and others to perform. [Cheers] I must be permitted and I shall not trespass upon you a moment I must be permitted to remark in this connection, that the Government commenced the suppression of this rebellion for the express purpose of preserving the union of these States. [Cheers.] That was the declaration that it made, and under that declaration we went into the war and continued in it until we suppressed the rebellion The rebellion has been suppressed, and in the suppression of the rebellion it has declared and announced and established the great fact that these States had not the power, and it denied their right, by forcible or by peaceable means, to separate themselves from the Union. [Cheers. "Good."] That having been determined and settled by the Government of the United States in the field and in one of the departments of Government-the executive department of the Government-there is an open issue; there is another department of your Government which has declared by its officials acts, and by the position of the Government, notwithstanding the rebellion was suppressed, for the purpose of preserving the Union of the States and establishing the doctrine that the States could not secede, yet they have practically assumed and declared, and carried up to the present point, that the Government was dissolved and the States were out of the Union. [Cheers.] We who contend for the opposite doctrine years ago contended that even the States had not the right to peaceably secede; and one of the means and modes of possible secession was that the States of the Union might withdraw their representatives from the Congress of the United States, and that would be practical dissolution. We denied that they had any such right. [Cheers.] And now, when the doctrine is established that they have no right to withdraw, and the rebellion is at an end, and the States again assume their position and renew their relations, as far as in them lies, with the Federal Government, we find that when they present representatives to the Congress of the United States, in violation of the sacred charter of liberty, which declares that you cannot, even by amendment of the Constitution of the United States, deprive any one of them of their representation-we find that in violation of the Constitution, in express terms, as well as in spirit, that these States of the Union have been and still are denied their representation in the Senate and in the House of Representatives. Will we then, in the struggle which is now before us, submit, will the American people submit, to this practical dissolution, a doctrine that we have repudiated, a doctrine that we have declared as having no justice or right? The issue is before you and before the country. Will these States be permitted to continue and remain as they are in practical dissolution and destruction, so far as presentation is concerned? It is giving the lie direct-it is subverting every single argument and position we have made and taken since the rebellion commenced. Are we prepared now, after having passed through this rebellion; are we prepared, after the immense amount of blood that has been shed; are we prepared, after having accumulated a debt of over three thousand millions of dollars; are we prepared, after all the

Are

injury that has been inflicted upon the people, North and South, of this Confederacy, now to continue this disrupted condition of the country? [Cries, "No, no!" "Never!" Cheers.] Let me ask this intelligent audience here to-night, in the spirit of Christianity and of sound philosophy, are we prepared to renew the scenes through which we have passed? ["No! no! no!" we prepared again to see one portion of this Government arrayed in deadly conflict against another portion? Are we prepared to see the North arrayed against the South, and the South against the North? Are we prepared, in this fair and happy Government of freedom and of liberty, to see man again set upon man, and in the name of God lift his hand against the throat of his fellow? Are we again prepared to see these fair fields of ours, this land that gave a brother birth, again drenched in a brother's blood? ["Never, never." Cheers.] Are we not rather prepared to bring from Gilead the balm that has relief in its character and pour it into the wound? [Loud cheering.] Have not we seen enough to talk practically of this matter? Has not this array of the intelligence, the integrity, the patriotism, and the wealth a right to talk practically? Let us talk about this thing. We have known of feuds among families of the most respectable character, which would separate, and the contest would be angry and severe, yet when the parties would come together and talk it all over, and the differences were understood, they let their quarrel pass to oblivion; and wo have seen them approach each other with affection and kindness, and felt gratified that the feud had existed, because they could feel better afterwards. [Laughter and applause.] They are our brethren. [Cheers.] They are part of ourselves. ["Hear! hear!"] They are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. [Cheers.] They have lived with us and been part of us from the establishment of the Government to the commencement of the rebellion. They are identified with its history, with all its prosperity, in every sense of the word. We have had a hiatus, as it were, but that has passed by and we have come together again; and now, after having understood what the feud was, and the great apple of discord removed; having lived under the Constitution of the United States in the past,they ask to live under it in the future. May I be permitted to indulge in a single thought here? I will not detain you a moment. ["Go on." "Go on." "Go on." Cheers.] You [turning to Mayor Hoffman] are responsible for having invoked it. [Laughter.] What is now said, gentlemen, after the Phils delphia Convention has met to pronounce upou the condition of the country? What is now said? Why, that these men who met in that Convention were insincere; that their utterances were worthless; that it is all pretense, and they are not to be believed. When you talk about it, and talk about red-handed rebels, and all that, who has fought these traitors and rebels with more constancy and determination than the individual now before you? Who has sacrificed and suffered more? [Cheers.] But because my sacrifices and sufferings have been great, and as an incident growing out of a great civil war, should I become dead or insensible to truth e

was the reason that they offered for that separation? Your attention. The time has come to think; the time has come to consult our brain, and not the impulses and passions of the heart. The time has come when reason should bear sway, and feeling and impulse should be subdued. [Cheers.] What was the reason, or one of the reasons at least, that the South gave for separation? It was that the Constitution was encroached upon, and that they were not secured in their rights under it. That was one of the reasons; whether it was true or false, that was the reason assumed. We will separate from this Government, they said, because we cannot have the Constitution executed; and, therefore, we will separate and set up the same Constitu tion, and enforce it under a government of our own. But it was separation. I fought then against those who proposed this. 1 took my position in the Senate of the United States, and assumed then, as I have since, that this Union was perpetual, that it was a great magic circle never to be broken. [Cheers.] But the reason the South gave was that the Constitution could not be enforced in the present condition of the country, and hence they would separate. They attempted to separate, but they failed. But while the question was pending, they estab lished a form of government; and what form of government was it? What kind of Constitution

principle? ["No, no." Cheers.] Bat these men, notwithstanding they may profess now loyalty and devotion to the union of the States, are said to be pretenders, not to be believed. What better evidence can you have of devotion to the Government than profession and action? Who dare, at this day of religious and political freedom, to set up an inquisition, and come into the human bosom to inquire what are the sentiments there? [Cheers.] How many men have lived in this Government from its origin to the present time that have been loyal, that have obeyed all its laws, that have paid its taxes, and sustained the Government in the hour of peril, yet in sentiment would have preferred a change, or would have preferred to live under some other form of government? But the best evidence you can have is their practical loyalty, their professions, and their actions ["Good," "good," and applause.] Then, if these gentlemen in convention, from the North and South, come forward and profess devotion to the Union and the Constitution of these States, when their actions and professions are for loyalty, who dare assuine the contrary? [Cheers.] If we have reached that point in our country's history, all confidence is lost in inan. If we have reached that point that we are not to trust each other, and our confidence is gone, I tell you your Government is not as strong as a rope of sand. It has no weight; it will crumble to pieces. This Gov-did they adopt? Was it not the same, with a ernment has no tie, this Government has no binding and adhesive power, beyond the confidence and trust in the people. ["Hear, hear." Loud applause.] But these men who sit in convention, who sit in a city whose professions have been, in times gone by, that they were a peace-loving and war-hating people-they said there, and their professions should not be doubt ed, that they have reached a point at which they say peace must be made; they have come to a point at which they want peace on earth and good will to men. [Loud cheers.] And now, what is the argument in excuse? We won't believe you, and therefore this dissolution, this practical dissolution, must be continued to Your attention to a single point. Why is a southern man not to be believed? and I do not speak here to-night because I am a southern man, and because my infant view first saw the light of heaven in a southern State. ["They are to be believed."] Thank God, though I say it myself, I feel that I have attained opinions and notions that are coextensive with all these States, with all the people of them. [Great applause. The whole audience rose and waved their handkerchiefs at this sentiment. Voice-"That's the best thing to-night."] While I am a southern man, I am a northern man; that is to say, I am a citizen of the United States, [cheers,] and I am willing to concede to all other citizens what I claim for myself. {“Sound."] But I was going to bring to your attention, as I am up, and you must not encourage me too much, ["Good! good!"] for some of those men who have been engaged in this thing, and pretty well broken down, require sometimes a little effort to get them warmed. (Laughter.] I was going to call your attention to a point. The southern States or their leaders proposed a separation. Now, what

exist

few variations, as the Constitution of the United
States, [Cheers, and "That's so!"] the Con-
stitution of the United States, under which they
had lived from the origin of the Government up
to the time of their attempt at separation? They
made the experiment of an attempted separation
under the plea that they desired to live under
that Constitution in a government where it would
be enforced. We said "You shall not separate,
you shall remain with us, and the Constitution
shall be preserved and enforced." [Cheers.] The
rebellion has ceased. And when their arms were
put down by the Army and Navy of the United
States, they accepted the terms of the Govern-
ment. We said to them, before the termination
of the rebellion, "Disband your armies, return
to your original position in the Government,
and we will receive you with open arms." The
time came when their armies were disbanded
under the leadership of my distinguished friend
on the right, [General Grant.] [Three cheers
for General Grant."] The Army and the Navy
dispersed their forces. What were the terms of
capitulation? They accepted the proposition
of the Government, and said, We have been
mistaken; we selected the arbitrament of the
sword, and that arbiter has decided against us;
and that being so, as honorable and manly men,
we accept the terms you offer us."
The query
comes up, will they be accepted? Do we want
to humiliate them and degrade them, and tread
them in the dust? ["No, no!" Cheers.] I say
this, and I repeat it here to-night, I do not
want them to come back into this Union a de-
graded and debased people. [Loud cheers.] They
are not fit to be a part of this great American
family if they are degraded and treated with
ignominy and contempt. I want them when they
come back to become a part of this great coun

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try, an honored portion of the American people. | out the North. ["That's so," and applause.] I I want them to come back with all their man-have heard an idea advanced, that if we let the hood; then they are fit, and not without that, to southern members of Congress in they will conbe a part of these United States. [Cheers. "Three trol the Government. Do you want to be govcheers for Andrew Johnson."] I have not, how-erned by rebels? [Cries of "Never," 'No, no." ever, approached the point that I intended to men- We want to let loyal men in, ["Hear, hear."] tion, and I know I am talking too long. ("Go on," and none but loyal men. ["Good, good."] But, "go on," go on."] Why should we distrust I ask here to-night, in the face of this intellithe southern people and say they are not to be gent audience, upon what does the face of the believed? I have just called your attention to observation rest, that men coming in from the the Constitution under which they were desirous South will control the country to its destruction? to live, and that was the Constitution of their Taking the entire delegation of the South, fiftyfathers, yet they wanted it in a separate condi- eight members, what is it compared with the tion. Having been defeated in bringing about two hundred and forty-two members of the rest that separation, and having lost the institution of the Union? [" Good boy !"] Is it compliment of slavery, the great apple of discord, they now, ary to the North to say we are afraid of them? in returning, take up that Constitution, under Would the free States let in fifty-eight members which they always lived, and which they estab- from the South that we doubt, that we distrust, lished for themselves, even in a separate go- that we have no confidence in? If we bring them ernment. Where, then, is the cause for distrust? into the Government, these fifty-eight representaWhere, then, is the cause for the want of con- tives, are they to control the two hundred and fidence? Is there any? ["No, no."] I do not forty-two? There is no argument that the income here to-night to apologize for persons who fluence and talent and the principles they can have tried to destroy this Government; and it bring to bear against us, placing them in the every act of my life, either in speeches or in worst possible light [A voice, "The Sumner arpractice, does not disprove the charge that I gument"] can be a cause for alarm. We are want to apologize for them, then there is no use represented as afraid of these fifty-eight men, in a man's having a public record. [Cheers.] afraid that they will repudiate our public debt; But I am one of those who take the southern peo- that they can go into the Congress of the United ple, with all their heresies and errors, admitting States under the most favorable conditions they that in rebellion they did wrong. The leaders could require, the most offensive conditions to coerced thousands and thousands of honest men us, and could overwhelm a majority of a huninto the rebellion who saw the old flag flap in dred and fifty to a hundred and eighty, [a voice, the breeze for the last time with unfeigned sor- "Ridiculous"]-that these men are going to row, and welcomed it again with joy and thanks- take charge of the country. Why. it is croaking; giving. The leaders betrayed and led the south-it is to excite your fears, to appeal to your preern people astray upon this great doctrine of se- judice. Consider the immense sums of money cession. We have in the West a game called that have been expended, the great number of hammer and anvil, and anvil and hammer, and lives that have been lost, and the blood that has while Davis and others were talking about sep-been shed; that our bleeding arteries have been aration in the South, there was another class, Phillips, Garrison, and men of that kind, who were talking about dissolution in the North; and of these extremes one was the hammer and the other was the anvil; and when the rebellion broke out one extreme was carrying it out, and now that it is suppressed the other class are still trying to give it life and effect. I fought those in the South who commenced the rebellion, and now I oppose those in the North who are trying to break up the Union. [Cheers.] I am for the Union. I am against all those who are opposed to the Union. [Great applause.] I am for the Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union. [Renewed cheering.] I have helped my distinguished friend on my right, General Grant, to fight the rebels South, and I must not forget a peculiar phrase, that he was going to fight it out on that line. (Applause and laughter.] I was with him, and I did all that I could; and when we whipped them at one end of the line, I want to say to you that I am for whipping them at the other end of the line. [Great laughter and applause.] I thank God that if he is not in the field, militarily speaking, thank God! he is civilly in the field on the other side. [Cheers for Grant.] This is a contest and strnggle for the Union, for the union of these States. [Applause.] The North can't get along without the South, and the South can't get along with

staved and tied up; that commerce, and mechartal industry, and agriculture, and all the pursuits of peace restored, and we are represented as cowards enough to clamor that if these fifty-eight men are admitted as the representatives of the South the Government is lost. We are told that our people are afraid of the people of the South; that we are cowards. [Cries of "We are not."] Did they control you before the rebellion commenced? Have they any more power now than they had then? Let me say to this intelligent audience here to-night, I am no prophet, but I predicted at different times, in the beginning of the late rebellion, what has been literally fulfilled. [Cries of "That's so."] I told the southern people years ago, that whenever they attempted to break up this Union, whenever they attempted to do that, even if they succeeded, that the institution of slavery would be gone. ["Good, good."] Yes, sir, [turning to Mr. Seward,] you know that I made that argument to Jeff Davis. You will bear witness to the position I then occupied.

Mr. SEWARD. I guess so. [Applause.]

Mr. JOHNSON. Yes, and you were among the few that gave me encouragement. [Applause.] I told them then that the institution of slavery could not survive an attempt to break up this Union. They thought differently. They put up a stake: what was it? It was four millions of

General SANDFORD. Our taxation by the General Government is $50,000,000.

slaves, in which they had invested their capital. | emporium-I was asking your mayor to-day the Their investment in the institution of slavery amount of your taxation, and he informs me it amounted to $3,000,000,000. This they put up at is $18,000,000! Where did your Government stake, and said they could maintain it by separat- start from but the other day? Do you remember ing these States That was the experiment; what that when General Washington was inaugurated are the facts of the result? The Constitution still President, that your annual bill was $2,500,000 exists. [Great cheering.] The Union is still pre- for the entire General Government. Yet to-day served. [Cheers.] They have not succeeded in I am told that my distinguished friend on my going out, and the institution of slavery is gone. left controls the destinies of a city whose taxes Hear, hear."] Since it has been gone they have amount to $18,000,000, and whose population come up manfully and acknowledged the fact in numbers four millions-double what the entire their State conventions and organizations, and nation had at the time when it commenced its they ratify its fall now and forever. [Cheers.] I existence. have got one other idea to put right alongside of this. [Applause and laughter.] You have got a debt of about $3,000,000,000. ["That's so."] How are you going to preserve the credit of that? Will you tell me. [Voices, "You tell us."] How are you to preserve the credit of this $3,000,000,000? Yes, perhaps when the account is made up your debt will be found $3,000,000,000 or $4,000,000,000. Will you tell me how you are to secure it, how the ultimate payment of the principal and interest of this sum is to be secured? Is it by having this Governinent disrupted? [Mr. Seward and others, "No, no." Is it by the division of these States? ["No." Is it by separating this Union into petty States? [No."] Let me tell you here to-night, my New York friends, I tell you that there is no way by which these bonds can be ultimately paid, by which the interest can be paid, by which the national debt can be sustained, but by the continuity and perpetuity and by the complete union of these States. [Applause.] Let me tell you who fall into this fallacy, and into this great heresy, you will reap a more bitter reward than the southern brethren have reaped in putting their capital into slavery.

Mr. SEWARD, sotto voce. The argumentum ad hominem. ["Good."]

Mr. JOHNSON. Pardon me, I do not exaggerate. I understand this question. You who play a false part, now the great issue is past, you who play into the hands of those who wish to dissolve the Government, to continue the disreputable conditions to impair and destroy the public credit, let us unite the Government and you will have more credit than you need. [Applause.] Let the South come back with its great mineral resources; give them a chance to come back and bear a part, and I say they will increase the national resources and the national capacity for meeting these national obligations. I am proud to say on this occasion, not by way of flattery, to the people of New York, but I am proud to find a liberal and comprehensive and patriotic view of this whole question on the part of the people of New York. I am proud to find, too, that here you don't believe that your existence depends upon aggression and destruction; that while you are willing to live, you are willing to let others live. [Applause.] You don't desire live by the destruction of others. Some have grown fat, some have grown rich by the aggression and destruction of others. It is for you to make the application, and not me. These men talk about this thing, and ask what is before you? What is before you? New York, this great State, this great commercial

Mr. JOHNSON. I am simply trying to get at the amount collected to sustain your municipal establishment. Thus may we advance, entertaining the principles which are coextensive with the States of this Union, feeling, like you, that our system of Government comprehends the whole people, not merely a part. [Applause.] New York has a great work to perform in the restoration of this great Union. As I have told you, they who talk about destroying the great elements that bind this Government together deny the power, the inherent power, of the Goverument, which will, when its capacities are put to the test, re-establish and readjust its position, and the Government be restored. [Applause.] I tell you that we shall be sustained in this effort to preserve the Union. It would be just about as futile to attempt the resistance of the ocean wave, or to check the wind, as to prevent the result I predict. You might as well attempt to turn the Mississippi back upon its source as to resist this great law of gravitation that is bringing these States back and be united with us as strong as ever. I have been called a demagogue, and would to God that there were more demagogues in the land to save it! [Applause.] The demonstration here to-day is the result of some of these demagogical ideas; that the great mass of the people, when called to take care of the people, will do right.

A voice. Sure as you are born. [Laughter.] Mr. JOHNSON. I tell you, you have commenced the grand process now. I tell those present whe are croaking and talking about individual ag grandizement and perpetuation of party, I tel. them that they had better stand from under [laughter and cheers,] they had better get out of the way [cheers;] the Government is coming together, and they cannot resist it. Sometimes, when my confidence gives out, when my reason fails me, my faith comes to my rescue, and tells me that this Government will be perpetuated and this Union preserved. [Cheers.] I tell you here to-night, and I have not turned philanthropist and fanatic, that men sometimes err, and can again do right; that sometimes the fact that men have erred is the cause of making them better men. [Applause.] I am not for destroy ing all men, or condemning to total destruction all men who have erred once in their lives. I believe in the memorable example of Him who came with peace and healing on his wings; and when he descended and found men condemned unto the law, instead of executing it, instead of shedding the blood of the world, he placed him

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