intendent of Finance is seen exhorting the adoption of measures suited to the exigencies of the period, but no answering voice is heard from Congress.

The creation of a currency-the importance of funding the debt-the utility of loans-the necessity of revenue supplemental to that to be derived from the impost― of a land tax, a poll tax, an excise-were all urged by him, but urged in vain.

The early enthusiasm of the nation had passed away. The authority of government had not followed: all was apathy and irresolution, or temporary expedient.

Funds could not indeed be obtained without the sanction of the States; but the great principles of public faith might have been enforced. Pledges to fulfil it might have been given. The people might have been appealed to, and thus accustomed to the always useful language of truth.

The incorporation of a bank, opposed by Madison from scruples as to its constitutionality, was the only measure of relief adopted.

While waiting the concurrence of the States in the grant of authority to collect an impost, endeavors were made to induce a cession of the unappropriated lands to the common treasury.

The disposal of this vast domain had early attracted the attention of the general legislature.

Assuming that the unappropriated territory had become national property, a bounty in the public lands was offered, the second year of the war, as an inducement to enlist. Averse to this measure, Maryland suggested the substitute of a money bounty, but the suggestion was not approved.

Two years after, Virginia passed a law opening offices for the sale of her lands. As her territorial claims were

regarded with much jealousy by the other States, Congress urged her "to forbear."

New Jersey proposed an amendment to the articles of the confederation, which, while it admitted the jurisdiction of each State over the public demesne within its chartered limits, declared that the crown lands ought to belong to Congress in trust for the United States.

Maryland, when she approved those articles, instructed her delegates not to ratify them unless the principle was distinctly admitted of a joint interest of the United States in this territory. Virginia interposed a remonstrance.

Sensible of the importance of removing this obstacle to a completion of the confederation, New York, though one of the largest claimants, soon after made a cession of her rights.

Congress hastened to avail themselves of this propitious example; and having expressly declined a discussion of the conflicting claims, recommended a liberal surrender by the States, in order to establish the federal union on a permanent basis.

They soon after resolved that the ceded lands should be disposed of for the common benefit, and formed into distinct republican States, to become members of the Union. They also declared that the expenses incurred by any particular State in the reduction of any British posts, or in the defence or acquisition of any part of the ceded territory, should be reimbursed.

Alive to the importance of completing the articles of confederation, Maryland, though she still affirmed her title to a share in the unappropriated lands, at last acceded to them.

Virginia adhered to her original views. A narrow policy swayed her councils-a policy which, content with the temporary political importance she conferred on her

public men, left her great resources without culture, and sacrificed her permanent interests to their speculative theories.

The claims of the whole Union were denominated "aggressions"-aggressions which she ought to be prepared to resist. Yielding at last, she made a formal cession of her lands, but clogged with conditions which Congress pronounced "incompatible with the honor, interest, and peace of the Union." By one of these conditions, a guarantee of her territory from the Atlantic to the Ohio was required.

This subject was some time after resumed, and a day was proposed to consider the western limits beyond which Congress would not extend their guarantee to the particular States, to ascertain what territory belonged to the United States, and to establish a plan for the disposal of it in order to discharge the national debts.

The delegates of Virginia, Jones, Madison, and Randolph, protested. They refused to give evidence of her title, as New York had done-stated that Congress had recommended a "liberal surrender," and to make her acts of cession the basis of a discussion of her rights, "was in direct contravention of that recommendation."*

Madison wrote to Pendleton: "You are not mistaken in your apprehensions for our western interests. An agrarian law is as much coveted by the little members of the Union, as ever it was by the indigent citizens of Rome. We have made every opposition and remonstrance to the conduct of the committee which the forms of proceedings will admit. When a report is made, we shall renew our efforts upon more eligible ground, but with little hope of arresting any aggression upon Virginia, which depends solely on the inclination of Congress." "We are very anxious to bring the matter to issue, that the State may know what course their honor and security require them to take."— Nov. 1781. "Considering the extensive interests and claims which Virginia has, and the enemies and calumnies which these very claims form against her, she is perhaps under the strongest obligation of any State in the Union to pre

Notwithstanding her pertinacity, the utility of the measure was too obvious to permit its being abandoned, and late in this congressional year a report was made to Congress, again recommending cessions of these lands as "an important fund for the discharge of the national debt." On the final vote, this report was lost by a geographical division. The States north of the Potomac being unanimous in favor of it, and the four Southern States, with the exception of two members, opposing it.*

A strong indication of the feelings on this subject, was also given in a vote on the instructions as to the terms of a treaty with England. On a motion to amend them so as to require that France should support the territorial claims of these States, Maryland proposed to insert the word "United" before the word "States." The proposition was rejected. Thus, from these collisions, all expectation of relief from that great source of wealth was disappointed.

The controversies as to limits between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, and between New York and the inhabitants of the New Hampshire grants, now comprised within Vermont, were also unadjusted. The contentions produced by these controversies extended their influence to other members of the confederacy, and as the decision would affect their future political weight, occupied a large share in their discussions.

A proposal had been made for a requisition to pay the interest on the liquidated accounts. But the condition of the treasury forbade its adoption; and notwithstanding the exertions of the Superintendent of Finance, Congress

serve her military contingent on a respectable footing; and unhappily her line is, perhaps, of all, in the most disgraceful condition."-April, 1782.-Madison's Papers, vol. i., pages 99, 101, 117.

*Ayes-Bland and Izard.

were compelled to pass a resolution suspending the payment of the interest on the loan-office certificates.-The only remaining vestige of public credit was effaced.

This session, so fruitless in results, at last closed with another requisition of six millions of dollars, for the current service: again showing the impotence of a system Hamilton pronounced neither fit for peace nor fit for war.

The community presented in its private relations a not less disheartening scene. The waste of war had produced an increased demand for the products of agriculture, which in some measure supplied the want of a foreign market; and the expenditures of the government had, during its earlier periods, created a fulness and rapidity of circulation which bore the semblance of prosperity. The numbers employed in military service had also induced an increased demand for labor, so as to enhance its value. But when the currency depreciated, and the wants of the government were reduced, when trade began to be restored to its natural level, and the enforcement of debts followed, the people awakened from their illusions; the tranquillity of society was disturbed, and it seemed as though a pestilence, as unforeseen as fatal, was sweeping over the land.

To these evils flowing from the obstruction of industry, from vitiated unfunded paper emissions, from national bankruptcy, were added the pernicious consequences of legislative proscription. It was after a comprehensive survey of these manifold evils that Hamilton remarked, "The more I see, the more I find reason for those who love this country to weep over its blindness."