the name of Napoleon. But the occurrence of disturbances in La Vendee, and the apprehended project of the Duchess de Berri in behalf of her son, placed the provision, touching the family of Charles X, upon grounds of permanent expediency, if not necessity.

Meanwhile, however, the distressed situation of the working classes in Paris, and in the departments, became a matter of pressing importance. The industry of the country had, of course, suffered greatly by the agitations of the last fifteen months, consequent upon the Revolution of July. To this cause might be ascribed many of the occasional mob-assemblies in Paris, which so often called for the interposition of military force. Or rather, the interruption, or curtailment, of the usual operations of trade and manufactures dependent on capital and credit, had served to throw out of employment multitudes of men, who were susceptible of political influences eminently prejudicial to the public peace. To aid the manufacturers, and furnish employment for the people, the chambers voted the sum of 18,000,000 of francs, as a temporary measure of relief. But the evil was too extensive to be cured by such means. In Lyons, it produced an insurrection among the silk weavers of the most serious and dangerous description.

Subsequently to the Three Days, the silk manufacturers found themselves driven to the alternative either of suspending their works, or of reducing the wages of their workmen. To

suspend their works entirely, would have been absolute ruin to the industrious classes; to reduce the wages of the workmen would occasion much distress, but infinitely less than the adoption of the other alternative. Of course, it was resolved by the manufacturers to make the contemplated reduction. But the workmen, ignorant of their own interests, undertook to prevent the reduction by force. They formed combinations, agreeing upon a tariff of wages, and demanding that the municipal authorities should sanction and enforce the rates they proposed; and the Prefect yielded to this demand. The 1st of November had been fixed as the time for putting the new tariff into operation; but when it came, the manufacturers refused to comply with it, and a strike was the consequence, which threw thousands of workmen out of employment. Unable to bear this state of things long, on the 20th the starving workmen prepared to take the law into their own hands, and to compel the manufacturers and the public authorities to give them work at the rates they demanded. On the morning of the 21st, the inhabitants of the suburb of Croix Rousse, consisting chiefly of a laboring population, rose in arms, -fortified the high grounds upon which that suburb is situated, and made demonstrations of a design to attack the city. Hereupon the troops stationed in the city, and a portion of the National Guards, were called out for the defence of the city; and hostilities commenced, between

the workmen on the one hand, and the troops aided by the better class of citizens on the other, in which many lives were lost. But the workmen of a suburb on the opposite side of the city, now rose in emulation of their brethren of Croix Rousse, and partly by superiority of numbers, partly by the want of energy or concert among the military and civil authorities, the insurgents gained possession of the Hotel de Ville, and finally of the whole of Lyons, the military withdrawing themselves, and leaving the rioters in quiet control of this the second city in the Kingdom.

When intelligence of these events reached Paris, it naturally excited the deepest anxiety, because the government apprehended the existence of political disaffection, as lying at the bottom of such a formidable insurrection. Marshal Soult, Minister of War, and the Duke of Orleans, were instantly despatched to Lyons, invested with the most ample powers for reducing the rioters to obedience, and restoring the reign of legal authority. The Marshal lost no time in concentrating a large body of troops around the city, so large that the insurgents abandoned the very idea of resistance, and quietly submitted to their fate. Indeed, they disclaimed, in the strongest terms, all connection with any political party or purpose, declaring their entire devotion to the constitutional charter, and the government of Louis Philippe. On the 3d of December, the Minister entered Lyons, at the head of 26,000 men; abolished the com

pulsory tariff, disbanded those portions of the National Guards which had failed to do their duty effectually, and ensured the continuance of tranquillity by posting a powerful garrison in the city to curb its turbulent population.

This apparently formidable insurrection having thus passed off without shaking the stability of the government, and rather, on the whole, adding to its influence and authority, the Ministers felt strong enough to enter upon the discussion of the civil list, or domains and revenue of the crown, in connection with the regular financial measures of the year. At the very opening of the debate, however, a curious scene occurred in the Chamber of Deputies, in consequence of the word subjects' having been incidentally used by M. Montalivet, Minister of the Interior. So soon as the word fell from his lips, the republican party in the Chamber rose en masse, demanding, in all the excitable vivacity of temperament which distinguishes the French in their legislative proceedings, that the expression should either be retracted or explained. Infinite uproar and confusion put an end for a while to the business of the sitting; and similar disorder occurred the next day.. At length, however, the order of the day was voted by a large majority; and the minority contented themselves, perforce, with protesting against the unlucky word, as implying a state of political subjection to an individual which they did not recognise, and which they deemed incompatible with the

principles of the Revolution of July. On this occasion the republican party seem not to have considered sufficiently that the word itself was of no consequence, unless it justly applied to the relation between king and people, established by the Charter. And as to this point, they were concluded by the occurrence of that very form of expression-'faithful subjects'-in the address made by the Chamber of 1830, on tendering the crown to Louis Philippe.

In determining the estate and revenue to be settled on the King, three particulars were to be considered, namely, the future destination of the private property possessed by him on coming to the throne, the amount of money to be granted him annually, and the disposal of the royal domain heretofore held by the crown. It was at length arranged that the private estate belonging to a king, on coming to the throne, or which he might acquire during his reign, should continue to be his; that the sum of twelve millions of francs per annum should be paid him from the treasury; and most of the royal châteaux and estates should remain parcel of the domains of the crown, as provided by former laws.

Next in political interest to this topic of debate, came that of a law for abolishing the solennities, observed ever since the Restoration, on the 21st of January, the anniversary of the execution of Louis XVI. The law had passed the Chamber of Deputies in December, 1831; but the Chamber of Peers kept it

in suspense until after the anniversary, and then sent it back with amendments, in which the other Chamber refused to concur. Crimination and recrimination were liberally exchanged between the opposing parties on this occasion, the Peers accusing the Deputies of regicide and ultra-republican propensities and opinions, and the Deputies holding up the Peers as the persevering enemies of the Charter and its principles, and incurably infected with the emigrant prejudices of the Restoration.

Out of the Chambers, the early part of the year 1832 was marked by the numerous prosecutions against editors and others, for seditious publications, or for participation in alleged conspiracies to overthrow the government. Certain it is, that the newspaper press of Paris, at this period, was preeminently distinguished for the violence and mendacity, which corrupt party motives are so apt to infuse into the columns of political journals. Two divisions of the press conspired to do everything in their power to bring contempt upon the government, and to excite disaffection among the people. One consisted of the journals in the interest of the exiled Bourbons, and the party of Charles X. and his family, which assailed the government of Louis Philippe because it was revolutionary, and the creature of popular change, in derogation of the rights of legitimacy. Another class of journals denounced it with equal fury, as not sufficiently revolutionary. They concurred in the means, although at oppo

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site points of opinion respecting the end. While one party would have overturned the throne of July, in order that the young pretender, Henry V, might exercise the rights of sovereignty devolved upon him by the abdication of Charles X and the renunciation of the Dauphin, the other would have swept away the new dynasty, either to proclaim the son of Napoleon or to establish a pure republic. However richly the editors in the interests of either of these parties may have deserved punishment, for their innumerable libels on the government, its head, and its ministerial members, the prosecutions generally failed, owing either to to the sympathy of the jury with the feelings of the accused, or the intimidation of the jurors, by the violence of their friends and fellow partisans.

As in the outrages uttered by the press, so in the plots against the government, the Carlists and the republicans appeared together in a kind of association of guilt and crime, strangely in contradiction to the hostility, wherewith the regicides, republicans, and Bonapartists of the one side, and the Jesuits, emigrants, and extravagant Bourbonists of the other, could not fail to regard each other, except when stimulated by their common hostility to the government of Louis Philippe. The conspirators were trained on by the police, which possessed the knowledge of their meetings and plans, until the 1st of February, when a considerable number of them were apprehended in different parts of the city,

and their schemes were for the present defeated. A commotion occurred soon afterwards at Grenoble, which occasioned some alarm; and the situation of La Vendée grew every day more and more unsettled; for in that region the adherents of Henry V began to collect in armed bands, plundering the collectors and agents of the treasury, issuing proclamations, and striving to rouse the inhabitants to civil war. On the face of things, it would have seemed that so many elements of confusion must have destroyed the power of Louis Philippe, yet green, immature, and unsettled; but they proved the means of consolidating his throne more securely than a long period of public tranquillity could have done it.

Prior to the time when the public troubles reached their climax, the cholera morbus broke out in Paris, and by its fatal ravages checked for the moment the progress of insurrection. Unlike the operation of it in other countries, here the deadly pestilence was not confined to the dissolute or intemperate, or the needy inhabitants of the squalid abodes of extreme poverty. extreme poverty. So many of the prominent individuals of society fell victims to the disease, that the sittings of the Chambers were of necessity brought to a close, the members being unwilling to remain exposed to the infectious influences of the atmosphere of Paris. And the president of the council, M. Périer, having been attacked by the cholera, as well as M. d'Argout, Minister of the Interior, the govern

ment itself partook of the universal derangement occasioned by the frightful progress of pestilence and death. On the 16th of May M. Périer died, and M. Girod having received the portfolio of Public Instruction, some attempts were then made to reörganize the cabinet, but without accomplishing the object. The Opposition availed themselves of the crisis to put forth an elaborate address to their constituents, denouncing the Administration as false to the principles of the Three Days. It was evident that the critical period of Louis Philippe's government was now at hand.

Men who had taken part in the achievements of the Three Days, who knew from personal experience how easy it was for the raw volunteers of mob soldiery to hold the city of Paris against the best troops of the Kingdon, were slow to reconcile themselves to the regulated obedience required under a regal government. They acquired, on that occasion, exagerated notions of their political consequence, as well as of their physical capacity. They began to imagine that every act of the government, however constitutional, which did not quadrate with their political opinion, was ample cause to justify them in taking arms, and forcing the public authorities into compliance with their arbitrary wills. Thus it had been on the trial of the ex-ministers, when Paris was converted into one vast camp, in order to secure a fair investigation of each case, and to preserve the accused from popular outrage. Thus it had been, although in a less degree,

upon several other occasions. Such a state of things was, of course, injurious to the best interests of the country, being the spirit of anarchy, not liberty; and it speedily brought upon itself the punishment it deserved.

In Paris, the funeral obsequies of eminent individuals are conducted with great pomp; and it is customary to pronounce discourses over the deceased, either at the grave, or in some other place open to the access of the multitude. When the deceased is a prominent politician, his burial naturally calls forth the sympathies of his party friends and followers, as happened at the deaths of Manuel and Foy. The death of general Lamarque, who, as a distinguished soldier of the Empire, and as an opposition debater in the Chamber, was now at the pinnacle of popularity, gave occasion to a desperate and sanguinary struggle between the government and the people. Lamarque had desired to be buried in his native town of Saint Sever. It was arranged that the procession should start from his residence in the Rue Saint Honoré on the morning of the 5th of June, and proceed by the Place de la Bastille across the bridge of Austerlitz on the way to Saint Sever. Upon the bridge a chapel was constructed; and at this point, when the body quitted the city, the several speakers were to deliver their eulogies on the dead. An iminense crowd followed the corpse, escorted by a military guard. On arriving at the Rue de la Paix, the people insisted upon leaving the prescribed route