of the procession, in order to enter the Place Vendôme, and salute the triumphal column raised there as the trophy of so many battles in which Lamarque had carved his way to glory. Here a slight collision occurred between the people and the public authorities, in consequence of the hesitancy of the officers at the hotel of the Etat Major of the garrison of Paris, in the Place Vendôme, to turn out the troops at the post and salute the procession, they having received no orders on the subject, as the procession was not expected to march in that direction. After this, the procession went on to the Place de la Bastille, where the most inflammatory addresses were pronounced by prominent individuals of the opposition. By this time, the feelings of the populace were excited to the highest pitch of exaltation. La Fayette, anticipating that serious disorders were likely to ensue, advised and entreated the people to disperse; but instead of hearkening to his expostulations, they hurried bim away from the scene, as if to free themselves from the admonition of his presence; and then insisted upon going with the body of Lamarque to the Pantheon, displaying red flags with the inscription liberty or death. These indications of a determined purpose of riot, as disgraceful in reference to the occasion, as it was otherwise frantic and foolish, could no longer be mistaken. The public agents interfered successfully to prevent the body being carried to the Pantheon, and to have it con

ducted out of the city towards Saint Sever.

Both sides then prepared for combat, -the government, as was its duty, to preserve public order, the mob in the hope of producing a revolution, and overturning the government, which they themselves had so recently constituted. The troops easily expelled the multitude from the open squares, and the larger avenues in which they were assembled in dense crowds, by resolutely charging upon the latter, and sweeping them along in despite of all their efforts to maintain their ground; but on the other hand, the people began to throw up barricades in the more defensible streets, to disarm the detached military posts in different parts of the city, and to rally under leaders of their own, or students of the public schools. All at once Paris now became the scene of a desperate military contest, nowise inferior in bloodshed to that of the Three Days. But circumstances had entirely changed. The government was well and courageously supported by the troops and the National Guards; and after five hours of determined fighting, the mob were beaten at all points, and the government remained peaceable masters of the city.

The King was at Saint Cloud on the 5th, but hastened to Paris on receiving information of the disturbances in the city, and contributed by the presence of himself and family to sustain the Ministers and the soldiery, and to encourage the loyal part of the population. He rode through the

city, showing himself fearlessly at all points, and entering with spirit and vigor into the measures adopted for restoring tranquillity. Had Charles X. and the Dauphin done the same in July, and had Marshal Marmont and the Prince de Polignac displayed on that occasion the same resolution and activity, which characterized the ministers of Louis Philippe on the 5th and 6th of June, it may be doubted whether the Duke of Orleans would have ascended the throne of France. The government followed up their success with fearless vigor. On the morning of the 7th appeared an ordinance declaring Paris to be in a state of siege, and handing over the instigators of the bloody scenes of the preceding days to trial by martial law. The Polytechnic School and the Veterinary School of Alfort were temporarily closed, and those of the students, who had taken part in the insurrection, were expelled. The press had its due share of restraint, and justly too, in consideration of the extraordinary license it had assumed to itself in the propagation of seditious and factious falsehood. In short, the strong arm of irresistible power was stretched over the devoted population of Paris.

Well was it for the government to exhibit so much of resolution in this perilous emergency, at the hazard even of losing its ascendency in the Chambers. Nothing else could have rescued the country from hopeless anarchy. Courts-martial were detailed forthwith, and proceeded to the trial of some of the rioters, sev

eral of whom were convicted and sentenced, some capitally, others to various terms of imprisonment. Meanwhile the accused, denying the legality of the ordinance which declared the city in a state of siege, and of course disavowing the jurisdiction of the courts organised under it, appealed from their sentences to the Court of Cassation, the supreme tribunal of the Kingdom, which decided, on the 29th of June, that the ordinance was not justified by the Charter. Frankly retracing their steps, the Ministers issued an ordinance the next day, raising the siege, and restoring the regular administration of justice. The measure, however, had exercised a salutary influence in Paris, and the Ministers retained their places, regardless of the threats of impeachment, and the torrents of obloquy, poured out upon them by the parties of the Opposition. In October, the cabinet arrangements were completed, without the introduction of any such individuals as would render necessary a change in the course of its public policy. Negotiations had been entered into with M. Dupin, for giving him a portfolio, but they failed, owing, it was alleged, to his demanding to be made President of the Council. This responsible office was bestowed on the Duc de Dalmatie, who still retained the War Department. General Sebastiani retiring from the foreign department, in consequence of ill health, was succeeded by the Duc de Broglie. M. Humann became Minister of Finance, M. Thiers of Public Instruction, and

M M. Montalivet, Barthe, and De Rigny remained in their respective departments of the Interior, Justice, and the Marine. In connexion with these arrangements, fiftynine new peers were created. At the same time, Marshal Soult addressed a circular to the Prefects of Departments, making known the principles of government professed by the administration.

Pending these events in the capital, the Duchess of Berri had landed in France, involved the Departments of the West in civil war, run her short career of adventure, and fallen into the hands of the government, to be shut up in the castle of Blaye, where the discovery of her criminal weakness covered the cause of the Carlists with ridicule and opprobrium, and thus did more for the security of Louis Philippe, than could have been effected by the most brilliant victories in La Vendée. So early as the month of April, the Duchess was known to be preparing to set sail from Italy, for the purpose of raising the white standard in France. On the 29th, the public authorities at Marseilles learned that the Duchess was expected the next day, and that the Carlists were prepared to take arms the moment she landed. In fact, on the 30th, the Carlists took arms, and assembled to the number of two or three thousand men, to receive the Duchess; but she did not arrive; and the insurrection was quelled without difficulty by the joint efforts of the civil and military authorities. This premature explosion increased the vig

In

ilance of the government. fact, the Duchess, accompanied by Marshal Bourmont, landed soon afterwards in the bay of Ciotat, between Marseilles and Toulon, and made her way in safety to La Vendée. She was conveyed from Italy in a Sardinian steamboat, called the Carlo Alberto, which was captured by a government cruiser, when it was too late, although M M. de Saint Priest, De Kergolay, and others of her suite, including a femme de chambre who was mistaken for her, were still on board and were made prisoners. When it was at length ascertained that the Duchess was in La Vendée, the government spared no pains to detect her retreat, and to suppress the scattered movements of the Vendéeans.

The rational friends of the Bourbons, especially in Paris, saw that the enterprise of the Duchess was utterly hopeless, the government being strong enough against the Carlists, whatever cause of apprehension it might have as regarded the Republicans. What could the ultra royalists of La Vendée accomplish, without arms or munitions of war, without pecuniary resource, without any chance of aid from abroad? To raise the standard of rebellion was to expose every prominent personage to sure destruction. On the 3d of June, the departments of Maine and Loire, La Vendée, Loire Inférieure, and Deux Sèvres had been placed under martial law, while the Duchess carried on a warfare of proclamations and skirmishes in the re

cesses of the Bocage, with no earthly prospect of success. Indeed, she acted contrary to the express remonstrances of the trusted counsellors of her house. In their behalf, M. Berryer, one of the most ancient among them, left Paris, and had an interview with the Duchess in the vicinity of Nantes, at great personal hazard, in order to dissuade the Duchess from from remaining in F'rance. He was arrested in consequence of the interview and brought to trial; but the manifest honesty of his intentions procured his acquittal. M M. the Duc de Fitzjames, Hyde de Neuville, and De Chateaubriand were also arrested on suspicion of acting in concert with her, but soon discharged. Finally, by the faithless measures of a German Jew in her confidence, the Duchess was betrayed to the government in November, while concealed in the dwelling of a lady of her party at Nantes. Being conducted thence to the strong castle of Blaye on the banks of the Garonne, there she remained, a subject of vexation and solicitude to the government, undetermined what course ultimately to pursue in reference to her, until she was forced, by the progress of pregnancy, to declare that she had been secretly married to a Neapolitan gentleman, the Count Lucchesi Palli, if indeed the marriage were not simulated to save her from greater shame. This incident deprived her of all power to be mischievous, by seducing her from the romantic elevation of an exiled princess, sacrificing everything to vindicate

her rights and her honor, to the pitiable condition of a weak, if not a wanton woman, glad to escape from France on any terms, and hide her head in her congenial Naples or Sicily.

The moment of the suppression of the insurrection in La Vendée was a fortunate occasion for the Ministers to meet the Chambers, which assembled on the 19th of November. Whatever fears the members of the cabinet might have entertained as to their reception in the Chambers, after the highhanded measures they had adopted in the riots of June, they found that the result was to fix them securely in office. Now, as the year before, the great majority of the Deputies were decidedly averse to any further experiments at present with revolutions. Recent events had served to confirm the opinions entertained by them at the preceding session, and they were disposed to overlook the questionable part of the measures of June, in consideration of the magnitude of the danger, and the successful action of the Ministers. As the King proceeded across the Pont Royal to open the session in person, some one discharged a pistol at him from amid the crowd. Whether this were the abortive attempt of an assassin, or a piece of stage effect, got up by the police to awaken loyal feeling, did not distinctly appear. Certain it is, however, that in the election of its officers and its votes upon the address, the chambers resolutely supported the Ministers. M Dupin was elected President of the Chamber by a majority of

nearly two to one, over his competitor, M Lafitte, the opposition candidate. And thus the year 1832 ended, with the moderate party in full possession of power, triumphant alike over faction in Paris, and civil war in the Departments.

Apart from the domestic incidents which we have described, there is nothing of interest in the foreign policy of the country, except the landing of a small body of troops at Ancona in the Roman States, as a kind of check on the movements of the Austrians in that quarter, and the reduction by force of the citadel of Antwerp. The first may be dismissed in a few words; the other will require more full explanation.

In February, 1831, an insurrection broke out in Modena, Reggio, and Parma, and in a portion of the States of the Church called the Legations, of which Bologna is the principal city. The insurgents expelled the Duke of Modena and the Duchess of Parma from their capitals, and deprived the papal agents of their authority in Bologna, Ancona, and elsewhere in the Exarchate.

But

ere the insurrection had ripened into revolution, the Austrians marched from Lombardy into the insurgent cities, and reinstated the former authorities by force of arms, the half armed and half organized patriots being wholly incapable of withstanding the disciplined multitudes of the invader. After effectually putting down, as they supposed, the infant revolution, the Austrians retired. But troubles again occurred in the Papal States, which induced the

Austrians to retake possession of Bologna in 1832. During the disturbances of 1831, much negotiation was had between France and Austria, as to the propriety of the interference in Italian affairs contemplated by the latter, which the liberal party in France denounced as tantamount to a declaration of war against the Revolution of the Three Days. Still Austria held on her course, in despite of the remonstrances of the French. But when the Austrians repeated the same thing in 1832, the French could no longer submit to see them exercising unlimited control over all Italy. Accordingly, a small body of French troops being sent around by water, took possession of the citadel of Ancona, notwithstanding the opposition and remonstrances of the Pope. French government seemed to have taken this step as the assertion of a principle, that they had as good right of interposition as the Austrians, rather than as a belligerent measure, or with a view of immediately taking an immediately_taking_an active part in the affairs of Ro

magna.

The

Not so, in respect of the Netherlands. After the cessation of the hostilities, commenced by the King of Holland in August of 1831, the allies felt that the period for temporizing and persuading was now passed, and they proceeded to prescribe the conditions of a definitive treaty, by the protocol of October, 1831, number 49,- for to such a degree had the negotiation been protracted.

in

This convention consisted of