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peculiar mind of the Turk, the two nations would be so intimately connected, that he would with difficulty separate them, but would generally associate them in his policy towards either. In all the little intercourse I have had with this Government and people, I have universally found that the nearer I could approach themselves, the fewer the persons interposed between me and them, the more simple, easy, and successful were my transactions. Direct negotiation is particularly suited to the character of the Turks. It implies a degree of confidence which is gratifying to their pride, and which they endeavor by their conduct to justify. I have in my own case made this experiment with them, and have seen this trait of their character clearly evinced. Although this case relates to myself individually, I will take the liberty of mentioning its particulars.

It is usual for all citizens or subjects of powers not having amicable relations established by treaty with the Porte, upon their arrival within the Turkish dominions, to place themselves under the protection of some power having such relations. In my first interview with the Government here, under the supposition that I had, of course, done in this respect what is usual in such cases, I was asked under the protection of what power I had placed myself? I answered, that of the Sublime Porte; that I was here a stranger, and reposed myself upon the hospitality of the country; that it would neither consist with my own feelings, and I took it

upon myself to add, nor would it be agreeable to those of my Government, for me, while within the dominion of the Ottoman Porte, to recognise or accept the protection of any other power than that of the Sublime Porte itself. Upon that alone I relied for my security, and felt assured that here I should need no other.' This answer was received with evident surprise and gratification. They have since seemed to endeavor fully to justify the confidence it implied. They have in consequence voluntarily offered me many indulgencies and facilities, (some of them unusual,) which, I am persuaded, would otherwise have been obtained with difficulty or altogether withheld. I mention this case merely as illustrative of what I consider a prominent trait in the character of the Turks, and one that may be turned to much advantage in all intercourse with them. They are indeed a very singular people. Their character seems an extraordinary union of opposite qualities.

Although in many respects extremely uncivilized, they are capable of the most elevated and refined sentiments. An appeal to their generosity and magnanimity, is generally successful, and confidence reposed in them is rarely violated. In any intercourse, therefore, which the United States may have with this Government and people, I am fully satisfied, from all I have observed of both, that, to approach them at all times directly, and not intermediately through any third power, will ever be found, not only most easy and successful in the first

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place, but most permanently favor-
able to the interests of our country;
and certainly most consistent with
an avowed and very wise princi-
ple of policy in its foreign inter-
course, to have friendly relations
with all nations, entangling allian-
ces with none.' In this course,
too, we shall have the advantage,
which is no inconsiderable one,
of being the sole conductors of
our own affairs, and the keepers
of our own counsels. The pe-
culiar situation of the United
States particularly favors this pol-
icy. Separated, as we fortunate-
ly are, from the nations of Europe
by an ocean three thousand miles
wide, it is our interest, and in our
power to preserve ourselves equal-
ly unconnected with its politics;
and while we abstain from all po-
litical connection with any one
nation in particular, to cultivate
friendly relations with all. This
happy situation of our country
exempts it from the necessity ex-
perienced by the nations of Eu-
rope, of yielding their individual
views and interests to the sup-
port of a general system. We
recognise no Holy Alliance, no
"Tutelary Congress of Sover-
eigns,' to whose supreme decis-
ion our affairs are to be submit-
ted, who, to preserve the gen-
eral peace, partition nations;
solemnly to determine what sov-
ereign nation shall lose, and what
shall gain territory; which shall
be governed by the will of an in-
dividual, and which shall have a
constitution; whether this sover-
eign shall be legitimate, or that
an usurper. We are happily left
independently to pursue our
own affairs in our own way, un-

embarrassed by all this regula-
tion.'

This detached and in-
dependent situation of our coun-
try, gives it a great advantage in
its foreign relations. It renders
friendly intercourse with us more
desirable to other nations, gener-
ally, and more particularly so to
this.

Such intercourse would, in some degree, relieve the Sublime Porte from the apprehension it perpetually entertains of a change in its relations with the nations of Europe, inasmuch as it would greatly diminish the evils it would otherwise experience from such an event. These advantages are important to our country, and would be particularly useful in any future intercourse it may have with this Government.

In departing from this separate independent policy, however, we should sacrifice these advantages.

Direct, in preference to indirect negotiation with this Government, is, in the case of the United States, recommended by another consideration of consideraThat narrow ble importance.

system of policy, heretofore pursued by some of the nations of Europe having friendly relations with the Porte, I am exceedingly sorry to have occasion to observe, still continues to influence their conduct. This policy would lead the nations influenced by it, to endeavor to exclude all others from any participation in the privileges which they themselves enjoy. The United States would be particularly an object of this exclusion, in as much as we are, more than any other, an object of jealousy with that nation which

is most influenced by this narrow policy. I know the opinion is generally entertained in our country, that the nations of Europe, heretofore hostile to commercial relations between the United States and the Sublime Porte, would now no longer oppose their establishment; but that, yielding to the influence of liberal principles, and adopting a more enlarged and sounder policy, would be willing to exchange their former monopoly for a fair and more honorable competition. This opinion is incorrect. I speak with confidence upon this subject; I am not left to mere conjecture, or to derive my opinion upon this point from appearances. It is founded upon positive information, derived from the highest source. I am explicitly informed, in confidence, by the Porte itself, that ******** under the idea that the United States contemplate negotiation with the Porte, has, within a few days passed, presented to the latter a formal and solemn protest against such negotiation, in which she has even threat ened, in case the Porte should conclude a treaty with the United States, to break off her present relations, and declare war against the Porte. The other nations most influenced by the narrow policy which has induced this very singular measure on the part of **

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****Although these have been less explicit than *******, and have even avowed contrary sentiments, I have reason to believe, that, in this respect, they are, in truth, not more friendly than the latter, but would all be

hostile to the views of the United States in this quarter, and would oppose any advances we might make towards the establishment of commercial relations with the Sublime Porte. This hostility, however, whatever form it may assume, will not, I am well assured, deter the Porte from following its present dispositions upon this subject, provided it be met by the United States. But it would render the Porte desirous, in the existing posture of its relations with the European Powers, and the present state of its own internal affairs generally, and especially with its two revolted provinces, that negotiations should be direct; that the knowledge not only of the fact of negotiation, but the conclusion of a treaty, might thereby be confined to the parties immediately interested therein, until the exchange of ratifications, and the treaty should actually go into effect. This has induced the Porte itself to suggest that the person authorized on the part of the United States to treat, should not appear here as minister, but merely as a private individual, until the treaty should be about to go into effect. It would then be expected that an avowed and accredited minister of the United States should appear and receive the usual formal audience of the Sultan, &c, when the customary presents would, of course, be expected. These latter, indeed, by the usages of the Porte, could not, in any case, be received, nor could the minister have a formal audience until that time. The anxious desire of the Porte for this course,

originating in the posture of its foreign relations, and the existing situation of its own internal affairs, is much strengthened by the character of the persons at present composing its Government. The affairs of its two revolted Pachalics of Albania and Servia, put in requisition the resources of the Government, and render the Porte generally, and particularly the timid, more cautious in adopting any measures that might put at hazard its present relations with the great European powers, or increase the present disaffection among its own subjects. This Government, although nominally composed of many persons, is, in fact, at present, in the hands of a single individual. This individual is Halet Effendi, a man of extraordinary talents and considerable acquirements. He was in the years 1803, '4 and '5, ambassador from the Sublime Porte to the court of France. Since his return here, he has declined all the great offices of the Government, and has only the nominal and irresponsible one of minister of conference, or privy counsellor. In this however, he notoriously possesses the will of the sultan, but wields the entire government of the empire. Heis, at present, decidedly in favor of a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States; but he is considered a man in the market; and the other persons of the government favorable to such a treaty, are apprehensive that, if negotiations were opened and avowed, means would be used by the powers opposed to the treaty, to change the present opinion of this minister in regard to it; and

that he, operating upon the weakness of some, and the timidity of others, would thus be able to prevent its conclusion, and thereby defeat what are really the present wishes of the whole Government upon this subject. This, of course, renders the Porte anxious that the negotiations should be direct, and as secret as possible. But, so strongly desirous are the Porte of the conclusion of a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States, that I feel perfectly confident, that, if a person duly authorized by the latter to conclude such treaty, were now here, it might be accomplished in the course of a few days. The present moment, so far as regards the character and dispositions of the Porte generally, is particularly auspicious for this purpose.

Upon the subject of the expense here of such a treaty, I have made every possible inquiry, and have obtained what I believe to be pretty correct information. I believe this whole expense would not exceed 350,000 piastres, (Turkish.) This includes the public presents to be made upon the minister's receiving his formal audience of the Sultan, &c, &c, but does not, of course, include the salary of the minister, &c, &c, employed by the United States in negotiating the treaty.

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of the

To the Secretary of the Porte,"
To two dragomans employed

20,000

piastres 25,000 with the extent of the privileges
to be granted them; and quite as
5,000 little as would be satisfactory to
the Porte. These presents may
be procured here, but much bet-
in
ter, and with more economy
the United States, England, and
France.

by the United States, each 5,000 psts.

Contingencies,

Total in Turkish piastres

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66

10,000
15,000

350,000

The Turkish piastre is at present worth of the Spanish dollar, and of the pound sterling. It of course varies in value according to the exchange. There is generally here considerable advantage in drawing on London, as will be perceived by comparing the present value here of the Spanish dollar, and the pound sterling.

The amount of public presents included in the above estimate, is as low as would be satisfactory to the Porte. Their expectations on such occasions are generally regulated by their own estimate of the nation treating, and the extent of the privileges accorded it in the treaty. As the United States are here considered a nation of the first class, and would be placed upon the footing of the most favored, it would be expected that its munificence would cor

respond therewith. The presents, on a similar occasion, of even the King of the two Sicilies, considered here quite a second rate power, and enjoying only partial privileges, amounted to 180,000 piastres; so that under such a treaty as I suppose would alone satisfy the United States, 200,000 piastres in public presents would be quite as little as would be thought by the Porte to correspond with the high character of the United States, and

The items included in the above estimate, as special presents to Halet Effendi, Plenipotentiary, Chief Dragoman and Secretary, would not be considered here as bribes, but as the usual and just compensation for the extraordinary services they would in their respective situations be called upon to render. This is bere the general usage and course of business; a thing of course perfectly understood, and not only countenanced, but expected by the Sultan himself. Indeed, it is quite impossible otherwise to accomplish anything here.

The 25,000 piastres included in the estimate for procuring the insertion in the treaty of articles of special favor, would not of course be necessary, if such articles should not be desired. But, I think, that a few such articles would be important to the interests of the United States: for example, the right of exporting from the empire wheat, dried fruits, olive oil, soap, &c, &c., which at present is prohibited to all nations; and is now only done in contravention of existing laws and treaties. This right, with some other similar ones, in the various vicissitudes of the relations of the European powers with the Porte, and the consequent fluctuations of trade in these seas, would, it is thought,

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