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commercial patronage which the North has given it, it would long ago have died a natural death.

Had not the merchants, and the bankers, and the brokers and shipowners of the North, fostered the trade in cotton, rice, and tobacco, in every possible way, it would have been impossible for the South to have maintained its slaves, and to have imparted the increase it has to that abominable system.

The “ virtuous indignation ” of the North at the present time, therefore, is an organised hypocrisy, and we can feel no interest in the so-called patriotic enthusiasm which the conflict is calling forth.

What are we to think of such prophecies as these ? The rebellion will be put down before three weeks are over. It had its back broken long ago. It lacks every element of success. It has no money — no real honest troops-no backbone. In every Southern State an immense population stand ready to rise up for the Union. In a few days, in spite of tailor generals, the army will be in Richmond. The Union people of that city will illuminate it, when the troops arrive, for joy. In a few days the Union Legislature and provisional governor will be in Richmond, and rebellion will be squelched out. The nation will be united. There will be no disunion, no separation ; money will flow like water; thousands of our wealthy people, and of our poor people, are commencing to bring out their household gods of gold and silver, and to melt them up to take a share in the United States loan. Every dollar will be taken up. It will be spent among ourselves at first, but England will get her share ere long.

But further -- is this enthusiasm all real? Is the North entirely of one mind? Are all the citizens of the Northern States for abolition, or only some? Would they, or would they not, accept a compromise ? And when they talk of putting down the “ rebellion,” would they not be ready to meet the Southern views if allowed to keep their Governmental places? We are satisfied they would; and that all this patriotic ebullition would give way before an arrangement that would satisfy and gratify that most worshipful of Yankee gods, the great almighty dollar.

Not so, however, with the South. The South is unmistakeably in earnest in this quarrel, and if it cannot boast of equal numbers, and equal wealth, to bring into the contest, it can rest upon entire union, and on the proud contempt in which it really holds the North. This fact has been most ably shown by the distinguished and unerring correspondent of our leading morning journal, who points out, in the clearest manner, the uncontrollable antipathy which exists in the Southern States against anything and everything connected with the North. Now, what else can arise from the undoubted state of things we have endeavoured to portray but a long and internecine conflict, in which neither side can be victorious ? It is impossible to believe in what is called the “ conquest of the South,” or the “ suppression” of the “rebellion ” — it is impossible to understand what the North can really gain by an onslaught on the Southern States; and, as to renewal of the Union as to a reconciliation of the Government as a political federation, it is and must be the merest dream, as long as four millions of Helots live — a standing controversy to disturb its peace.




It is positively distressing to read the pitiable rubbish which, disregarding all past experience, the papers daily produce as from correspondents over the water. The only man who has given us any views of his own, Mr. Russell, has also treated us to the headings of some of the veracious news published by these same gentry, for the information of the public there. It reminds us of the Neapolitan telegrams at the time of Garibaldi's expedition, when, out of 150 received in this country from Naples on the events of the day, 142 turned out to be wholly without foundation. The most audacious of these is undoubtedly Manhattan, whom I strongly suspect I know as the London correspondent of that precious Horace Greely, whose pious hopes and anticipations I have noticed above at p. 100. It is clear the address to his letters of New York is not genuine, for in a late one he says, “I found the steamer had left the pier when I brought your parcel down, but I fortunately overtook her, and got it on board over the side, so that it was the last thing taken before she left the American shores." Did Manhattan foresee all this when he wrote the letter in New York; or did the parcel, so happily chucked on board, reach him in this good city, where he made up the farrago his friends had sent him ? This Manhattan writes, almost daily, a letter to the “ Standard,” full of assertions, inferences, and opinions, which the leading articles of that ably conducted journal as invariably knock to pieces, on the principle, I suppose, of audi alteram partem, and certainly the pars taken is most undeniably altera. And no wonder, for he began by assuring us in the true style so well known and appreciated here, that “ three weeks would see the Federal flag float over Richmond,” when he proposed “to hang President Davis and all his rebel crew," and then, save the mark! “ amid the acclamations of the Southern people, emancipated by such fraternal hands from the demagogues who had overridden them, proclaim the glorious Union undivided and indissoluble." Unfortunately, as in the Irishman's history, “ those

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