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good people, are swamped by a surging, angry mob, who, when they find all the destruction of their magnificent trade by this detestable warfare comes down upon their own pockets,—"postquam cerdonibus esse timendus coeperit” — will have something to say to the authors of their misery.

Separation is final and irrevocable. There can be no faith between the contracting parties to any scheme of reconciliation between the Northern and Southern sections of the defunct United States. A glorious career is open to both. No one can deny the highest meed of enterprise, intelligence, and daring to the hardy Northerners, and the immense advantages which free trade offers to the universal world in the illimitable resources of their country, now for the first time open to foreigners, must advance the less enterprising but more polished Southerner in the race of civilisation. We in England trust its first fruits will be seen in the amelioration of the condition of their slaves. Their own interest, their own sound and good common sense, when not outraged by coercion or insulted by insidious advice and the denunciations of pious charlatans, will lead them themselves to consider how they can best set about modifying an evil most of them cannot honestly deny that they deplore. Let them once be called into the noble family of nations. Let them stand forth the equals and brethren of all the Anglo-Saxon race throughout the world, and we do not despair of seeing them fulfil a glorious destiny. "

We heartily wish them God speed.



President Lincoln's Inaugural Address, Delivered

March 4th, 1861.


“In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of his office.

"I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.

“Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that, by the accession of a Republican Administration, their property and their peace, and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists; I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with a full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic Resolution which I now read :

. Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or territory, no matter under what pretext, as the gravest of crimes.

"I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, when

lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another.

“ There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions :

“No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.' .

“It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution, to this provision as much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come within the terms of this clause,

shall be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority ; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial

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