OPINIONS,

&c.

3

WHY, or by what means, I find myself "nor man nor spirit,' are yet concealed from my knowledge. I perceive the forms both of the dead and the living; but both alike appear unconscious of my approach. I enter the palace, the council, the senate; I find myself replaced; yet remember not my disgrace. I wish to regain my home, but, restrained by a superior power, I am for the attempt confined to a narrow cell, which seems as if it were a tomb. Among the living I ask myself, Am I dead?'-of the dead I enquire, (but they answer not,) 'Am I not alive?"

The Fates are still spinning the thread of my natural existence; and in this intermediate state of suspended animation and unenjoyed immortality, it is permitted to me to feel and be actuated by that zealous and ardent anxiety for the best interests of my country, the overpowering weight of which has mystified my mortal frame. Still it is permitted to me, to feel a proud satisfaction at the glory of the British Empire, and to anticipate a continuance of its greatness, founded, as it is, upon a basis of noble, disinterested, and intelligent principles of government and policy. It is still permitted to me to watch the tree which is planted by the water-side, and which bringeth forth fruit abundantly.

I cannot but speak of the Minister whom I perceive sitting in my official chair-of him, who was once my political rival, and is now my unenvied successor.

He is a statesman of brilliant imagination, of commanding eloquence; and of such enlarged views, that his chief difficulty will be to confine his orbit to the more secure range of practicability. His connections are commercial-his views will be commercial; but he will find his way smoothed, and his task lightened, by the

previous labors of the Board of Trade; and now that the balance of Europe is poised, he may enter into commercial treaties. But the principles of free trade, which are daily and generally gaining ground, will render such treaties (which, after all, are but "uncertain special contracts,") of less importance than formerly. If it be necessary further to pourtray the character of, and more decidedly to explain what may be expected from, one who, leaning upon the present Cabinet, holds a net as it were towards its opponents; I shall do it by comparing him with his colleague in office, the Home Secretary of State; of whom (if I may indulge in a pun) I would assert, that his claims upon public confidence are indeed of a sterling nature. Of these two responsible Ministers I would say that what the one undertakes he will execute brilliantly; what duties fall to the share of the other will be performed steadily, consistently, and conscientiously. The one is more of a philosopher, and less of a religionist; the other is a religionist, with enough of philosophy about him to answer every useful purpose. The effect of the administration of the one would be splendid, but possibly transient; that of the other modest and lasting-the one would aim at great results; the other perform every possible practicability. The marked and distinguishing characteristics of each, in the same Cabinet, can hardly fail to produce great national advantages; and I cannot but pause to observe, how complimentary it is to the democratic influence of the nation, that two such men should, by the force of talent alone, arrive at such high posts of official responsibility.

I propose, rather, to draw the attention of the public to principles which are productive of results, than to the results themselves. If the one are soundly bottomed, partial evils do not disprove their excellence; and, in such case, it is much more noble to stand by a sound principle, and bear its adverse changes, than, yielding to a temporary evil, to be guilty of a dereliction from it.

In our financial concerns, that primary and wholesome principle is "PUBLIC FAITH TO THE NATIONAL CREDITOR." ." His money supported us through a fearful contest to a brilliant peace; and having profited by his purse in the hour of danger, is he to be robbed as an equipoise to partial embarrassment? In our internal policy, the clashing of mutual interests should be softened by a spirit of conciliation. "Public faith inviolate," and "conciliation in our political disputes"―are the two main principles upon which we may safely rely for the duration and enjoyment of peace, and yet preserve a fearlessness of war.

Before I proceed to offer some remarks upon the leading topics likely to engage the attention of the Parliament, I cannot but observe upon a pamphlet, intitled, " Administration of the Affairs of Great

Britain." (The term "Great Britain" might, I should think, be well superseded, on proper occasions, by the more commanding style of "British Empire.")

I am inclined to think, that semi-official announcements are often dangerous, at most times impolitic, and always open to suspicion. If they are intended to usher in ministerial statements, or projected measures, they afford timely means and notice to all who are interested in thwarting them, or creating a prejudice in the public opinion against them; they also detract much from the effect of the responsible statements, which, to be made effectively and commandingly, can only be suitably announced in the Houses of Parliament. Besides, they are not tangible. If erroneous, they are disavowed, or left in a state of doubt as to their presumed character; and thus the Government has two mouth-pieces; one of official responsibility, and one of an experimental convenience. 1 would not be understood to say, that there are no occasions in which it might not be advantageous and convenient to collect, or try public opinion through the press, by a channel which can trace itself back to the official executive: there may be many such occasions; but on so high and important a topic as "the Administration of the Affairs of Great Britain," (than which none can be higher or more important,) such a feeler as the one I am alluding to, is derogatory to the dignity of government. Many matters therein treated, to be relied on, should be, and ought to be only, from an official source; all other mode of communication is speculative; and I am certain, that is the least characteristic of the Cabinet of which my mortal part once formed a portion.

But what shall I say of a publication, which (if not presumptuously assuming a character of semi-official rank,) certainly does contain a few data which could only be obtained through responsible official channels; if I can show errors in it, striking at the root of all the late financial measures? But it is not merely error of which I complain, but of omission also. A general statement of the principles and plans of an administration should comprehend every branch entrusted to its protection and vigilance. How comes it, then, that the paramount interest of the country, that of Agriculture, is only glanced at, with a half-significant hint that Commerce is thriving upon its distress, for which no means of alleviation can be devised?

The error to which I allude (an error in itself sufficently alarming to destroy the whole character of the publication) is, its explanation of the purposes of the New Sinking Fund.

Now, unless I have misunderstood the proceedings of the last Session of Parliament, and all the financial system of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I should assert,-that the Sinking Fund of