every man in the kingdom, worth forty shillings a year, can overpower the ministers of the day. Yes! but I shall be told, that the County Members are corrupt. I again repeat, that such language is a libel against the gentlemen of England, of whatever party they may be. And I assert, that however restricted the mode of returning a member to Parliament may be; that he is, and acts, and considers himself to be, the representative de facto, if not de jure, of the whole interests of the city or borough, from whence his return is made. Talk of representation! Who does not remember the care, time, attention and discussion which were bestowed on the factory children, and the chimney-sweeping, bills; that the children should be placed under the protecting and paternal care of the law? What members did they send to Parliament? Yet they were represented, and powerfully too. Why! The very beasts of the field are represented in the House of Commons; as witness the bill to prevent cruelty to animals. The negroes of Africa are represented in the House of Commons, by a member from a rotten borough. In truth, and in fact, the more "reform" is agitated, the more it will be found that the House of Commons represents interests, which is of as extensive importance as population... Of "economy" and "retrenchment," I may be allowed to say a few words, and but few. Since the peace, taxation has undergone a diminution equal to one-third of all the present income of the state; and in consequence, most articles of consumption have fallen in the same proportion. Through every department of the state, a thorough dismissal of every idle and supernumerary clerk has taken place. With regard to those remaining; and in all cases of allowance, remuneration, and retirement; a legislative scale has been adopted, to which the executive government is pledged. Sinecures and future reversions are abolished; and as far as legislation and prudence can go, (and they should go hand-in-hand) they have gone. ་ If the scale of 1792 is to be the standard, then it can only be attained by reducing England to the scale of 1792. Is England willing to give up Malta, St. Helena, Ceylon, Mauritius, Surinam, Trinidad, Berbice, Essequibo, St. Lucie, Tobago, the African settlements, and our East Indian conquests? Then her naval and military establishments can be reduced. Expenditure is comparative; pounds shillings and pence have no reasoning faculties, and convey no argument, till the cause of the multiplication is applied. As to the employment and pay of servants of the Crown; it cannot but be remarked, that through all the departments of the public VOL. XXI. NO. XLII. Pam. 2 P offices, there is a greater air of respectability, of rank, and character, than formerly. Much of this arises from long establishment, and much from care and attention in the principle of admission. There are thousands who can attest, that nothing was more common, when a man was unfortunate, than that his friends should say "Oh, we must get him a place under Government." I am far from objecting to a principle of such a nature-it should not be carried to too great an extent; though the experience of many an unfortunate man has been found valuable to the executive. Government often has to contend for the attainment of proper and fit persons for responsible situations, and offices requiring certain qualifications. The acquirements of many can be turned to greater advantage in private undertakings; but in these there is risk; therefore, the certain pay of government is equal to a larger remuneration, acquired with greater anxiety, and more chance of loss. The public expect from the executive, the strict, punctual, and unerring performance of its duties; and these can only be attained by a principle of responsibility, from the heads of offices to the lowest and last-admitted clerk; and it is not merely responsibility, but confidence must be placed in tens of thousands. I do not mean that a cunning spirit of secrecy is to pervade the public departments; but that faith must be placed in the due performance of the most subordinate duties. The qualities of official men differ so much, that five hundred a year is economical, for the services of some, where a hundred would be dear for those of others. "Any body will do for a government-clerk" was once the cry; but " every body will not do;" and it is (I say it with pride) the precision, the regularity, and the character of the public offices, which tend greatly to a courteous and efficient dispatch of public business, in which private interests are more or less involved. All economy is not retrenchment. The question is not merely can this be dispensed with ?" but, what will the replacing cost? and every thing found to be useless, has long ago been discarded. Those only acquainted with public offices can tell the mean acts, the invitations to fraud, the bribery and corruption which have been employed in detecting what are called "Government abuses." The members of a Committee out of doors, employing discharged, dismissed, and disgraced servants, (once of the Crown,) can hardly be relied upon for correct information and many charges have beeu attempted, upon evidence which would not hang a dog, or convict a known thief. I now approach the end of this (I fear, but hope not,) tedious address; and, to refresh the memory, will recapitulate its results :1. That England is "The Umpire of Europe." 2. That the National credit must be preserved. 3. That the Sinking Fund must be inviolate. 4. That the National Debt is an active medium; a bank of deposit a means of income-productive of a regular circulating payment-and of importance to the lower classes, as enabling them interest. to save upon 5. That the commerce of England is most florishing; and its interests have not been neglected. 6. That the internal peace of England was never in more certainty of repose, notwithstanding five out of six of my acts are in existence; and that popular meetings have under them, acquired a greater rank, and tend to more influential consequences. 7. That agricultural embarrassment must and will pass away; but, that its immediate distress justifies the measure of sending back the foreign corn now bonded. I 8. That a new arrangement of the Poor's Law, by placing them under a public board, might produce important results, and decrease the amount of the rates, 9. That the commutation of tithe would give greater scope to the employment of agricultural capital-benefit the Church and enable the farmer to afford corn cheap, by a more spirited mode of cultivation. 10. That the three last measures are applicable to agricultural distress. 11. That "reform" is not applicable at all. 12. That economy and retrenchment are applicable, and when any case for their further exertion can be made out-Government will not delay its duty. My spirit will hover over the British Empire; and should it ever be intended to record my memory, I would only desire to be thus noticed: "HERE LIES HENRY ROBERT STEWART, SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, AND Who, in the full bloom of Manhood, fell a Mental Sacrifice to an ardent and zealous performance of his Ministerial and Parliamentary functions, ON THE 12th DAY OF AUGUST, AN. DOM. 1822. 576 POSTSCRIPT. I change no opinion in consequence of the French King's speech. Menace on one side, and defiance on the other, will produce a war-but of demonstrations only; during which, each will be ready to render available any means of mediation. If the King of Spain should fortunately have the spirit and the policy to demand to be placed at the head of the Spaniards in arms; they in return, when the moment of danger is past, might concede to him points of a just prerogative, which are now withheld, more in ignorance or mistrust, than in hatred of the throne. The equipoise of a monarchical government, such as exists in England, is not the work of a day; and those who aim to approach it, may be reasonably expected to commit many blunders in the attempt. If I assert that "the French dare not" pass the Spanish frontier, I intend it only in reference to their means of accomplishing the object; that "of conquering a peace." The Spaniards are not revolutionists; they are aiming, not to destroy, but to ameliorate (as they think) the form of their government. But being bigoted in religion and policy, their measures assume a greater degree of violence than we correctly estimate: excesses have been, and may yet be committed on both sides; but their very commission brings with it a feeling of regret; and such feeling of regret naturally produces an eventual balance and adjustment of opinions and faction. In the midst of all-the position of England is that of "a powerful neutral;" independently firm in her attitude, and possessing means and spirit to act upon any cause of aggression towards herself or ally. There is hardly a country, where the price of agricultural produce undergoes such fluctuation as in the various provinces of Spain; the slightest cause frequently occasions it; and it is far from improbable, but that the state of that country will materially influence the grain-market of England. THE END OF NO. XLII. |