otherwife we must forfeit, in the one, or the other, while Henry remains poffeffed of Normandy: and it will not be an easy matter to drive them from thence, even though we fhould compel him to retire from England. But, by amicably compounding his quarrel with Stephen, we shall maintain all our interests, private and public. His greatness abroad will increase the power of this kingdom; it will make us refpectable and formidable to France: England will be the head of all thofe ample dominions, which extend from the British ocean to the Pyrenean mountains. By governing, in his youth, fo many different ftates, he will learn to govern us, and come to the crown, after the decease of king Stephen, accomplished in all the arts of good policy. His mother has willingly refigned to him her pretenfions, or rather she acknowledges that his are fuperior: we therefore can have nothing to apprehend on that fide. In every view, our peace, our fafety, the repofe of our confciences, the quiet and happiness of our pofterity will be firmly eftablished by the means I propofe. Let Stephen continue to wear the crown that we give him, as long as he lives; but after his death let it defcend to that prince, who alone can put an end to our unhappy divifions. If you approve my advice, and will empower me to treat in your names, I will immediately convey your defires to the king and the duke.

LORD LYTTELTON.

CHA P.

CHA P.

VIII.

MR. PULTENEY'S SPEECH

ON THE MOTION FOR

REDUCING THE ARMY.

SIR

WE

E have heard a great deal about parliamentary armies, and about an army continued fromy ear to year; I have always been, Sir, and always fhall be against a standing army of any kind: to me it is a terrible thing, whether under that of parliamentary or any other defignation; a standing army is still a standing army, whatever name it be called by; they are a body of men diftinct from the body of the people; they are governed by different laws, and blind obedience and an entire fubmiffion to the orders of their commanding officer is their only principle. The nations around us, Sir, are already enslaved, and have been enslaved by thofe very means; by means of their standing armies they have every one loft their liberties; it is indeed impoffible that the liberties of the people can be preserved in any country where a numerous ftanding army is kept up. Shall we then take any of our measures from the examples of our neighbours? No, Sir, on the contrary, from their miffortunes we ought to learn to avoid those rocks upon which they have split.

Ir fignifies nothing to tell me, that our army is commanded by fuch gentlemen as cannot be supposed to join in any measures for enflaving their country; it may be fo; I hope it is fo; I have a very good opinion of many gentlemen now in the army; I believe they would not join in any fuch measures; but their lives are uncertain, nor can we be sure

how long they may be continued in command; they may be all difmiffed in a moment, and proper tools of power put in their room. Besides, Sir, we know the paflions of men, we know how dangerous it is to truft the best of men with too much power. Where was there a braver army than that' under Julius Cæfar? Where was there ever an army that had served their country more faithfully? That army was commanded generally by the best citizens of Rome, by men' of great fortune and figure in their country; yet that army enflaved their country. The affections of the foldiers towards their country, the honour and integrity of the under officers, are not to be depended on; by the military law, the administration of juftice is fo quick, and the punishments fo fevere, that neither officer nor foldier dares offer to dispute the orders of his fupreme commander; he must not confult his own inclinations: if an officer were commanded to pull his own father out of this houfe, he muft do it; he dares not disobey; immediate death would be the sure consequence of the leaft grumbling. And if an officer were fent into the court of requests, accompanied by a body of musketeers with fcrewed bayonets, and with orders to tell us what we ought to do, and how we were to yote, I know what would be the duty of this house; I know it would be our duty to order the officer to be taken and hanged up at the door of the lobby: but, Sir, I doubt much if such a spirit could be found in the house, or in any houfe of Commons that will ever be in England.

SIR, I talk not of imaginary things; I talk of what has happened to an English houfe of Commons, and from an English army; not only from an English army, but an army that was raised by that very houfe of Commons, an army that was paid by them, and an army that was commanded

by generals appointed by them. Therefore do not let us vainly imagine, that an army raised and maintained by authority of Parliament, will always be fubmiffive to them: if an army be fo numerous as to have it in their power to over-awe the Parliament, they will be fubmiffive as long as the Parliament does nothing to disoblige their favourite general; but when that cafe happens, I am afraid that in place of the Parliament's difmiffing the army, the army will dif mifs the Parliament, as they have done heretofore. Nor does the legality or illegality of that Parliament, or of that army, alter the cafe; for with respect to that army, and according to their way of thinking, the Parliament difmiffed by them was a legal Parliament; they were an army raised and maintained according to law, and at firft they were raifed, as they imagined, for the prefervation of those liberties which they afterwards deftroyed.

Ir has been urged, Sir, that whoever is for the Proteftant, fucceffion must be for continuing the army: for that very reafon, Sir, I am against continuing the army. I know that neither the Proteftant fucceffion in his Majefty's most illustrious house, nor any fucceffion, can ever be safe as long as there is a standing army in the country. Armies, Sir, have no regard to hereditary fucceffions. The first two Cæfars at Rome did pretty well, and found means to keep their armies in tolerable fubjection, because the generals and officers were all their own creatures. But how did it fare with their fucceffors? Was not every one of them named by the army without any regard to hereditary right, or to any right? A cobler, a gardener, or any man who happened to raise himself in the army, and could gain their affections, was made emperor of the world: was not every fucceeding emperor raised to the throne, or tumbled headlong into the

duft,

duft, according to the mere whim or mad frenzy of the foldiers?

any

WE are told this army is defired to be continued but for one year longer, or for a limited term of years. How abfurd is this diftinction? Is there any army in the world continued for any term of years? Does the moft abfolute monarch tell his army, that he is to continue them for number of years, or any number of months? How long have we already continued our army from year to year? And if it thus continues, wherein will it differ from the standing armies of those countries which have already submitted their necks to the yoke? We are now come to the Rubicon; our army is now to be reduced, or it never will; from his Majesty's own mouth we are affured of a profound tranquillity abroad, we know there is one at home; if this is not a proper time, if these circumstances do not afford us a fafe opportunity for reducing at least a part of our regular forces, we never can expect to see any reduction; and this nation, already overburdened with debts and taxes, muft be loaded with the heavy charge of perpetually fupporting a numerous ftanding army; and remain for ever expofed to the danger of having its liberties and privileges trampled upon by any future King or Ministry, who fhall take it in their heads to do fo, and shall take a proper care to model the army for that purpose.

CHA P. IX.

SIR JOHN ST. AUBIN's SPEECH FOR REPEALING THE SEPTENNIAL ACT.

MR. SPEAKER,

HE fubject matter of this debate is of fuch importance,

THE

that I should be ashamed toʻreturn to my electors, with