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Indian Marine Surveys.

F.

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By

Essays Political, Social, and Religious. Richard Congreve. (Longmans & Co.) WITH the exception, perhaps, of the collection of essays on 'International Policy, published in 1866,-Dr. Congreve's contribution to which is here reproduced, this volume contains the boldest English exposition of what we may venture to call practical Positivism which has yet been issued. Dr. Congreve is doubtless the proper person to make such an exposition. The most zealous and thorough-going English disciple of Auguste Comte, he is the pastor or president of the select representatives of the Religion of Humanity who worship at the Positivist School in Bloomsbury, concerning which a distinguished Oxford Professor is reported to have said, after a Sunday morning visit, that he found in it "three persons and no God." The English Positivists are few in number, but among them are some men of marked ability, and their influence upon public opinion, if directly not very great, is of much importance in its indirect action. Many who have heard much, but understand little, about this school will, accordingly, be glad to have such a precise setting forth of its tenets as is contained in the book before us. The book, as its title implies, is not at all a systematic exposition of the Comtist religion. It is only a collection of essays and sermons, most of them reprinted, on important questions of the day. But it is none the less instructive on that account. Throughout," says Dr. Congreve in his Preface, "my aim has been to apply the system of Auguste Comte to our actual state, and by so doing, as far as in me lay, to spread the Religion of Humanity, which I hold, with an ever-deepening conviction, to be the sole remedy for the evils under which we are labouring." We may admire Dr. Congreve's courage and ability without sharing his faith in his panacea, and even those who differ widely from his principles and his conclusions therefrom must acknowledge the good sense that shows itself in many of his strictures on current topics, and the keen love of truth and justice that

shines in all.

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The opening essay of the volume, which attracted considerable attention when it was first published, some seventeen or eighteen years ago, says Dr. Congreve, "was undertaken at the suggestion, and when written had the sanction, of Auguste Comte." In it Dr. Congreve uses the English occupation of Gibraltar as the text for a forcible argument in favour of a complete re-adjustment, on Positivist principles, of the relations of the States of Western Europe. England, he urges, ought to give back to Spain her ill-gotten fortress :"There are other reparations of the past which might really be a greater sacrifice to England to make; but there is no one so tangible, no one so evidently embodying the sense of obligation which membership involves. Spain would thereby recover her full nationality; and its recovery by Spain would be an earnest of its recovery by Italy. It is a concession which would be worth all our preaching about liberal and just government; preaching which, when brought into contrast with

the present and past policy of England, is seen to
be glaringly hollow-to be nothing else than a
repetition, in the international relations, of the
peculiar vice which characterizes us as a nation,
our propensity to cant. And such a concession,
made in the right spirit, would have an indirect
action on all our own views of foreign policy-an
appreciable result. A course of action on the
principle of sacrificing our own good to that of
others is, first of all, right in itself for the person
who performs it; then it re-acts on his whole view
of his conduct. It gives him great clearness of
vision for self-interest is the great source of dark-
ness. Its tendency to act beneficially on others
is self-evident. So with nations and national
morality. One such act of clear renunciation in
the face of Europe would raise the national con-
sciousness, clear its clouded vision of its obligations,
and be a manly breaking with whatever of evil
there has been embodied in our past policy. All
subsequent similar questions might be brought to

the same standard, and the theory of our own
peculiar, private, national interests would be
inadmissible."

We have quoted those sentences because
they indicate clearly, if in its extremest form,
Dr. Congreve's notion of national and inter-
national morality. No one can deny that
it is an exalted notion; but, unfortunately, it
is somewhat too visionary for this unregenerate
period in the world's history. Here, and in
other lectures, Dr. Congreve's voice is as the
voice of one crying in the wilderness; but his
prophesying is honourable, and may do good.
He himself admits that, "to prepare public
opinion will be the work of time; but, how-
ever slow the preparation, it is the only course
open." Unmerited ridicule is sometimes thrown
upon the Positivists for their bold advocacy of
a policy whose only fault is that it is too
Utopian. The Utopian teaching might be
open to objection if it found so many disciples,
with excellent intentions but without skill to
carry them out satisfactorily, that there would
be danger of harm ensuing from too reckless
a jump at the ideal; but, as it is now only
an earnest and intelligent protest on the part
of an extremely small minority in favour of a
higher morality than generally prevails, it is
entitled to respect, and to something more
than respect.

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reprints an article in which he properly resented Prof. Huxley's famous description of Positivism as "Catholicism minus Christianity "; but, in some passages of this volume, he shows that the epithet is not altogether unmerited.

The most impressive of all the political essays contained in this work, as it appears to us, is one on India. Dr. Congreve does not expect to find many who will assent to his proposal "that we withdraw from our occupation of India without any unnecessary delay, within the shortest period compatible with due arrangements for the security of European life and property, and with such measures as shall be deemed advisable in the interest of Indian

as

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independence and good government." Doubt-
less his proposal is only intended
protest; but as a protest it is eloquent
and ought to produce some effect.
cusses one by one the common arguments-
based on our own commercial and political
interests, and on the supposed interests of
civilization and religion-in favour of the
British retention of India, and he pretty well
disposes of some of them. As might be
expected, he treats most fully of the religious
question, and there is great force in his ex-
position of the failure, as he considers it the
inevitable failure, of the efforts to convert
either Hindoos or Mohammedans to Christianity.

The treatise on India was published in 1857. An essay or discourse on the Ashantee War appears, we believe, for the first time in this volume. Dr. Congreve has greater justification for protesting against the acquisition of new territory in Western Africa than against the retention of territory acquired long ago in India, and, though he can hardly make out so strong a case against the forcing upon the Ashantees, as upon the people of India, of English civilization and Christianity, his case is not a weak one. Nor can he be blamed for complaining of the apathy shown by the religious world during the preparations for, and the continuance of, the expedition of last year. We quote part of his remarks on this subject:

"No defence of Christian doctrine, by volunteer or official defenders, will be of much avail, if it become patent to the judgment of the many that on all great questions of public morality, be they political, social, or international, no noble teaching

comes from the Christian Church; that it stands cold and silent on such topics; that no outrage on the simplest human feeling can rouse it from its torpor; nay, worse, that it is but too often ready with acceptance and apology. In England, as elsewhere, the existing moral order is in imminent danger. I doubt it not. But its worst enemies are at present from within, not from without.

The foreign policy advocated by the Positivists finds expression in several parts of this volume. It is based, says Dr. Congreve, the recognition of this truth that, in all cases, the indirect, peaceable, and moral solution is superior to the direct, violent, and political." It is opposed to all tyrannical or aggressive exercise of power by one state against another, but it is as strongly opposed to the non-intervention policy. Many will remember the fiery placards that Dr. Congreve set up, a few ago, in the London streets, calling upon English-Those who would substitute for it a newer and a men, "in the name of Humanity," to instigate higher moral order, one more binding because of our Government to enter the contest and strictly human obligation, find their strength at present not in themselves, but in their opponents. support France against the German invaders; Their own weakness makes them honestly regret and no one who knows anything of Positivism that the degeneracy of the Christian spirit is so needs to be reminded how loyally its adherents marked as to leave it voiceless on all such questions look to France as their Holy Land, the pioneer, as that with which I have been dealing. We through centuries before the time of Comte, should welcome any co-operation in what should be our joint object on the part of the various bodies of Western civilization, and since then more which claim the name of the Church of Christ. than ever the champion of intellectual progress. But, as rule, we look for it in vain. National Dr. Congreve would like to see all the more and social considerations exercise too strong an backward races of the world brought under influence, and the religious and moral being disnations bound together in friendly alliance, of the tutelage of the Western nations, and those appears in the Englishman. It is for the supporters but all are to acknowledge the moral supremacy of French thought as embodied in the teaching of Comte and his disciples. Dr. Congreve

Christianity to estimate the consequences of its

abdication."

Of course, the Positivists have their own specific for curing the woes of Ireland, and,

in reprinting the pamphlet thereon, which he published in 1868, Dr. Congreve shows that he still regards as expedient, the conversion of Ireland into "a new self-existing and selfruling unit amongst Western States," and "the substitution of a direct, responsible, and single-handed power, though a delegated power, for the action of a Parliament." We shall not follow him into this perplexing subject.

Nor does it fall within our province to say much about the second half of his volume, which chiefly consists of sermons, illustrating the more strictly moral and religious aspects of Positivism. These do not furnish a practically explicit statement of the creed and articles of the Positive Religion; but they contain enough information to instruct and satisfy many inquirers on the subject. Dr. Congreve is an eloquent writer; his eloquence sometimes makes his discourses read strangely like the discourses of those Christian preachers whose teaching he wishes to overturn, or rather to revolutionize. He is careful to show that the Religion of Humanity rejects none of the older religions, but rather takes them all within its fold, only repudiating such institutions as, however useful they may have been in their day, it reckons to be now out of date. We can imagine some devout persons listening to Dr. Congreve's discourses, and quite failing to discover that he is preaching Pantheism, Atheism, or any other abomination, instead of orthodox Christianity, until they learn that "the Master, Teacher, and Guide," is a Frenchman whose name they have never heard before, and that, in the new Pantheon of Humanity, "surrounded by the great who preceded them, and who shall have followed them, in high pre-eminence will stand the pair from whom is dated the foundation of the religion, Clotilde de Vaux and Auguste Comte," or until they see that one of the sermons that charms them has been preached on "the Festival of Humanity, in the year 81, since the opening of the French Revolution," or on "Moses 19, 71," or on "24 Gutenberg, 74."

THE UTRECHT PSALTER.

(Second Notice.)

The Athanasian Creed in connexion with the Utrecht Psalter; being a Report to the Right Hon. Lord Romilly, Master of the Rolls, on

a Manuscript in the University of Utrecht. By Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, D.C.L. (Privately printed.) The Utrecht Psalter: Reports addressed to the Trustees of the British Museum on the Age of the Manuscript. By E. A. Bond, E. M. Thompson, Rev. H. O. Coxe, Rev. S. S. Lewis, Sir M. Digby Wyatt, Prof. Westwood, F. H. Dickinson, and Prof. Swainson. With a Preface by A. P. Stanley, D.D. (Williams & Norgate.) Autotype Facsimile of the Utrecht Psalter. (Palæographical Society.) Further Report on the Utrecht Psalter; in Answer to the Eight Reports made to the Trustees of the British Museum, edited by the Dean of Westminster. By Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, D.C.L. (Privately printed.) THE remarks we made a fortnight ago upon this interesting manuscript were necessarily

a general nature but we may, this week,

enter upon a more critical examination of the Reports; taking them in the order of their publication, and omitting all the theological and ecclesiastical questions involved, or, to speak more concisely, examining solely palæographical and technical points. For as we have already observed, although a theological element has been imported into the question, and although it has been attempted to fix more definitely the date to which the manuscript is to be assigned, by a discussion of vexed questions pertaining to ecclesiastic history, we fail to see in what manner the two diametrically opposite methods of analysis can be conveniently used together. The proposition of the theologian is, that because the "Fides Catholica" was in use at a certain period, and not before, therefore this manuscript, which is one of the earliest containing the text of the "Fides," cannot be earlier than that period. On the other hand, the palæographer asserts that the manuscript, as a mere manuscript, must, from consideration of its appearance only, be attributed to a definite period, and leaves the doctrinal statements contained in the text to be accepted as belonging to the same or more remote age.

The Report, which has manifestly been prepared with pains, and elaborated with that zeal which Sir Thomas Hardy shows in all his literary works, passes in review the opinions that have been expressed upon the Psalter from the seventeenth century down to the time of the Report, and carefully discusses their relative values. It appears that a former owner of the book, perhaps Sir Robert Cotton himself, was evidently of the opinion that the drawings, if not the whole manuscript, were contemporary with the reign of the Emperor Valentinian III.; but this opinion, of which there is no apparent corroboration, emanates from an age deficient in the power of critical judgment with regard to manuscripts, and is hardly entitled to serious consideration, or, at any rate, should be accepted with many grave reservations. Of more importance is the expression of the learned Ussher, who accepts the date of A.D. 590-604, that of Waterland, that it may be considered to be circa A.D. 600; of Gustave Haenel, an indefatigable examiner of all the most important continental libraries, who places the manuscript in the sixth century; of Baron Van Westreenen van Tiellandt, who believes the date to be the sixth or seventh century; and of Dr. Vermuelen, Librarian of the University of

Utrecht, by whom the eighth or ninth century

(750-850) is considered to be in all probability the period of the book. This last opinion is combatted in Sir Thomas Hardy's usually clear and forcible style, and Sir Thomas indicates several useful points of comparison with the MS. 8084, in the National Library at Paris, a volume which is said by M. Delisle to be of the fifth century. Sir Thomas also takes objection to the prevalent idea that the writing is imitated from an earlier hand. Prof. Westwood's opinion, published in the Journal of the Royal Archæological Institute for 1859, that the work must be attributed to the sixth or seventh century, although that learned gentleman modified his opinions materially in his Report, from which we give an extract at the end of this article, is also considered by Sir Thomas as affording additional evidence in support of Sir Thomas's

own theories; and Sir Thomas lays much stress upon the comparisons exhibited by the drawings in the celebrated Vatican Virgil. His theory that the drawings were not made before the writing of the text, as some assert, is also defended with great perspicuity, and, in our opinion, these drawings are to be attributed to an epoch contemporary with that of the manuscript itself.

As an indication of the antiquity of the Psalter, and partly because the opinion appears to be contradicted in the "Further Report," we transcribe the following extracts :—

"Again, the less frequently the letter y is found surmounted by a point, the more ancient we have a right to consider the Manuscript in which such letters occur. Those Manuscripts in which the letter y is always, or almost always, without this

point, bear the mark of the highest antiquity, of

the fifth century at least.

"The letter Y in the Utrecht Manuscript, is very seldom pointed, and the point seems to have been added by the scribe himself when he has made the letter y look something too like the v. In early Manuscripts the two letters often resemble each other, and can only be distinguished by the character intended for Y having a point placed over it." -Sir Thomas Hardy's Report, p. 20.

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Of individual letters (in the Psalter) the y is almost always dotted, and there are no specially archaic forms."

"The addition of a point over the letter y, found throughout the Manuscript with rare excepMr. Bond's Keport, p. 23. tions, is also a decided mark of late age. . . ."

"The dotted y a proof of the early age of the Psalter, § 118.

"Mr. Bond comments on individual letters, and says y is always almost (sic) dotted. I admit it; what then? Does he mean to insinuate that the in Manuscripts of the sixth century are never dotted. If this is his meaning-and if not, why does he introduce this statement ?—I take exception to it, and assert that in Manuscripts of the sixth century this letter is often dotted."-Sir Thomas Hardy's Further Report, p. 38.

Can anything be more opposite than the opinions expressed in these extracts? The explanation of the whole thing is that the fact of the dotting, or pointing, of the y is not at all a criterion of age in manuscripts, but a caprice of the individual scribe who may have been selected for the preparing of the exemplar. This fact will be self-evident to scholars, but to students we offer the following references :-Palæographical Society, plate 3, Lindisfarne Gospels, about A.D. 700, syria, syriam, paralyticos, cryplas, byrig, hyncgrath, gefylled, gefylges, all not dotted; ibid. pl. 7, Canterbury Gospels, 8th century, Brit. Mus. Royal MS. I. E. vi., "the y is not dotted "; ibid. pl. 8, Symbolum, twice, in Paris MS. Colbert, 784, 8th century; ibid. pl. 10, Charter, dated A.D. 759, bynnan, not dotted; ibid. pl. 13, Charter, dated A.D. 904, "y is not dotted"; ibid. pl. 15, Codex Beza, 6th century, synagogam, undotted; ibid. pl. 17, Stonyhurst Gospel, 7th century, Hierosolyma, not dotted; ibid. pl. 18, St. Augustine's Psalter, Vespasian A 1, about A.D. 700, dryhten, dotted, dryhten, gehyhtu, ymbsaldon, onstyred, not dotted; ibid. pl. 19, same manuscript, "y is not dotted"; ibid. pl. 23, Canterbury Charter, dated A.D. 803, "y is not dotted"; ibid. pl. 24, hyl, and other words, not dotted, Canterbury Charter, A.D. 848.

With regard to the punctuation of the Psalter, the learned Reporter brings forward conclusive proofs that punctuation per se is not indicative of age, illustrating his remarks from contemporary manuscripts at Paris and in

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