from the devices of wicked ministers and evil counsellors, whether in or out of office; and thereby restore that harmony, friendship and fraternal affection, between all the inhabitants of his majesty's kingdoms and territories, so ardently wished for by every true and honest American.'

The scope of their address to the inhabitants of America, was to manifest the justice of their cause, by an exact enumeration of the offensive laws; to confirm them in resistance; and to prepare their minds for the worst. They observed, that the designs of the ministers to enslave America, had been conducted with such constancy, as to render it prudent to expect mournful events, and be prepared, ni all respects, for every contingency.

In the petition addressed to the king, they made protestations of their attachment towards the crown and the royal family; they affirmed, that nothing short of the usurpations which wicked counsellors, deceiving the paternal heart of his majesty, had attempted, could have induced them to depart from that submission of which they had given, in happier times, such signal examples; that it was with extreme reluctance, and urged by imperious necessity, they had entered into resolutions detrimental to the commerce of their European fellow subjects; and after having recapitulated all their grievances, they proceeded;

"From this destructive system of colonial administration, adopted since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears, and jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful colonists with affliction; and we defy our most subtle and inveterate enemies, to trace the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these colonies, from an earlier period, or from other causes than we have assigned. Had they proceeded, on our part, from a restless levity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful suggestions of seditious persons, we should merit the opprobrious terms frequently bestowed upon us by those we revere. But, so far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed them; and can be charged with no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be sensible of them.

'Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But, thanks be to his adorable goodness, we were born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our rights under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the British throne to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant.

Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty; and therefore we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing they

received from Divine Providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that compact which elevated the illustrious House of Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses. The apprehension of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the preeminent rank of freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and for our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving this faith. ful information, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal cares, the tranquillity of your government, and the welfare of your people; and, as your majesty enjoys the signal distinetion of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the language of freemen cannot be displeasing. Your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those dangerous and designing men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints.'

The congress having, by these different writings, endeavored to mollify the breast of the sovereign, to conciliate the favor of the English people, to dispose and prepare the colonists to brave all the terrors of the crisis, and, generally, to propitiate the favor of the European nations, turned their attention towards the inhabitants of Canada, whose benevolence it was desirable to cultivate, in order to secure, if not their adherence, at least their neutrality, in the grand struggle that was approaching; for, omitting the increase of force which must have resulted to one or other of the belligerent parties, from the alliance of the brave and warlike Canadians, it was of the greatest importance to the colonists, to be secure of the friendly disposition of a country, which, from its position alone, appeared to menace their provinces. This negotiation, however, required a very delicate management; for the Canadians were not accustomed to English liberty; and had been long contented with their condition under the government of France. The difference of religion was also an obstacle of great moment. How was it possible to persuade them to undertake the defence of rights they scarcely knew, or which they esteemed of little value? And how hopeless must have appeared the attempt to induce them to complain of the act of Quebec, which favored, protected, and placed in a condition even better than at first, a religion they held so much at heart! The congress, however, in their address to the Canadian people, eluded these embarrassments with singular dexterity.

They commenced with a declaration that the Canadians were entidled to possess all the rights enjoyed by English subjects; they accused the ministers of a design to deprive them thereof, and to enslave them totally. They endeavored to explain, in the most insinuating style, what these rights were; how extreme their importance, and how conducive they were to the happiness of every human being. They sufficed, it was affirmed, to defend the poor from the rich, the feeble from the powerful, the industrious from the rapacious, the peaceable from the violent, the tenants from the lords, and all from their superiors. These are the rights without which a people cannot be free and happy, and to whose protection and encouraging influence, the English colonies are indebted for their present prosperity, and numerous population. Of these rights, the act of Quebec has completely divested the Canadians! It has not left the people even a shadow of authority, but has placed it all in the hands of those who' are themselves absolutely dependent on the crown. Can any government be imagined more arbitrary or tyrannical? Whatever may have been the rigors of the French domination, your present condition is infinitely worse; for then they were Frenchmen, who ruled other Frenchmen; and that benignity which the mode of government appeared to exclude, resulted, nevertheless, from the community of language, manners, opinions, and the bonds of national fraternity. But since they are Englishmen who now govern a French people, the latter can no longer expect from the sympathy of their rulers, but only from the protection of laws, a refuge from the abuses of authority, and the rapacious passions of foreign ministers, always disposed to suspect them of pernicious designs. Seize, then, the occasion which is offered, by joining with us, to acquire that liberty and those privileges which the colonists have always enjoyed; and which they are, with one mind, resolved never to resign, but with their lives.'

As to religion, in order to quiet their minds upon this subject, it was observed, that the tolerant opinions which prevailed, at the present epoch, among the French people, would doubtless remove all obstacles to a sincere amity between them. They cited the example of the Swiss, who, notwithstanding the difference of their religion, lived with one another in the utmost concord, and were thus enabled to defy and defeat every tyrant that had invaded them.

'Let the inhabitants of Canada, therefore, take advantage of circumstances. Let them form a provincial convention; let them elect their delegates to congress, and attach themselves to the common cause of North America. Has not the present congress already resolved unanimously, that they considered the violation of the rights of the Canadians, by the act for altering the government of their province, as a violation of the rights of the colonists themselves?'

Letters of a similar style, and tending to the same object, were addressed to the colonies of St. John's, Nova Scotio, Georgia, and the Floridas.

At the same time, the congress passed a resolution, declaring, that the arrest of any person in America, in order to transport such person beyond the sea, for trial of offences committed in America, being against law, authorised resistance and reprisal.

Having concluded these transactions, and appointed the 10th of the ensuing May for the convocation of another general congress, the present dissolved itself.

No one will deny, that this assembly knew how to appreciate the circumstances of the time, and demonstrated a rare sagacity, in leading them to cooperate in their designs. They not only found means to invigorate the opinions which then prevailed in America, but also to diffuse and propagate them surprisingly; applauding the ardent, stimulating the torpid, and conciliating the adverse. They were lavish in protestations of loyalty to the king; which could not fail to answer the end they proposed-that of finding a pretext and excuse for ulterior resolutions, in case their remonstrances should prove ineffectual. With the same apt policy, they flattered the pride of the British nation, with the view of engaging it to favor their cause. They manifested equal dexterity in fomenting the political opinions that were beginning to prevail in this century. Originating at first in England, they had been diffused, by degrees, among the neighboring nations, and particularly in France, where they had been introduced, and defended with a fascinating eloquence, by the most celebrated writers of that period. Accordingly, in every place and circle, the Americans, and especially the members of congress, were considered as the generous champions of these favorite principles; for, as to the object they had in view, there no longer existed a doubt. Though it was possible, however, to excuse, and even applaud this resolution of the Americans, to defend, by force of arms, the rights for which they contended, it was difficult, it must be acknowledged, to reconcile with the loyalty they so frequently professed, their insinuating writings to draw into their confederacy other subjects of the crown of England, as the Canadians, for example, who had not, or who made no pretensions to have, the same rights. But in affairs of state, utility is often mistaken for justice; and, in truth, no event could have happened more useful to the colonists than the adhesion of the Canadians to their cause.

1775. The resolutions of congress were received in America with universal consent. They were approved not only by the people, but also by the authorities, whether established or provisional. The assembly of Pennsylvania, convened about the close of the year, was the first constitutional authority which ratified formally all the acts of congress, and elected deputies for the ensuing. A convention

having soon after been formed in this province, it was therein declared, that, if the petition of congress was rejected, and the government should persist in attempting to execute by force the late arbitrary acts of parliament, it would then be requisite to resist also with open force, and defend, at all hazards, the rights and liberties of America. Not content with words, this assembly recommended that provision should be made of salt, gunpowder, saltpetre, iron, steel, and other munitions of war. Charles Thomson and Thomas Mifflin, afterwards general, both men of great influence in the province, and much distinguished for their intellectual endowments, were very active on this occasion; and, by their exertions, the resolutions of the convention were executed with singular promptitude and vigor.

The inhabitants of Maryland displayed an equal ardor; all within their province was in movement. Meetings were convoked, in every place; associations were formed; men were chosen, for the purpose of seeing that the resolutions of congress were punctually observed and executed. The provincial convention voted funds for the purchase of arms and ammunition; they declared enemies to the country those who should refuse to provide themselves with a military equipment. The most distinguished citizens made it their glory to appear armed in the cause of liberty; the militia was daily assembled and exercised; it was withdrawn from the authority of the governor, and placed under that of the province; they held themselves in readiness to march to the assistance of Massachusetts.

The same precautions were taken in the lower counties of Delaware, and in New Hampshire. The legal assembly of the latter was convoked. They approved the proceedings of congress, and wrote to congratulate the Marylanders upon their patriotism and public spirit; promising to stand prepared to defend this liberty, so dear to every heart. The inhabitants, not content with this, formed a convention at Exeter, which ratified the doings of congress, and elected delegates for the new session.

But in South Carolina, so important a province, things went forward with great animation. A convention was formed of the representatives of the whole province. Their first decree was to render immortal thanks to the members of congress, to approve its resolutions, and to ordain their strict execution. The manufacturers of the country received encouragement; and ample liberalities were granted to the indigent inhabitants of the city of Boston. The same enthusiasm inspired every breast. And, to prevent the infractions which the love of gain, or private interest, might occasion, inspectors were appointed, to watch, with rigorous diligence, over the execution of these public resolutions.

In Massachusetts and Virginia the ardor of the people was astonishing. All places equally presented the images of war, and the