appearance which was to have come up on the part of Long Island, determined to abandon the enterprise.

Generals Clinton and Cornwallis would have crossed the arm of the sea which separates the two neighboring islands, in order to attack Fort Moultrie on the land side, as it had been concerted, but the water was found too deep, and the ford impracticable; this, at least, they alleged. On the other hand, even though they should have succeeded in surmounting these obstacles, it is probable they would have found others more formidable still upon the shores of Sullivan's Island. Colonel Thompson, at the head of three hundred grenadiers of his regiment; colonel Clark, with two hundred soldiers of North Carolina; colonel Horry, followed by two hundred militiamen of South Carolina, and Racoon's company of riflemen, with some pieces of artillery, had occupied the posts situated at the eastern extremity of the island. It is, therefore, credible, that it was more the preparations of defence made by the Americans, than the difficulty of the ford which prevented the English generals from attempting the passage. Can it be supposed that officers, so experienced, should have continued nine whole days in Long Island without having caused the depth of the waters to be sounded, and ascertaining long before the time of the action, whether they were fordable or not?

It appears equally difficult to comprehend how, after having discovered either that the ford was impracticable, or the position of the Americans impregnable, the English should have remained inactive in Long Island, instead of endeavoring to land upon some other part of Sullivan's Island by means of the boats they had assembled. This circumstance presents several points which it is impossible to explain. However it may be, the English retired during the night, and the following morning their ships were already at the distance of two miles from the island. A few days after, having reembarked their troops, they made sail for New York, where the army, increased by all the reenforcements it had received from England, expected general Howe.

Such was the issue of the attack of Fort Moultrie by the English. It placed the affairs of South Carolina, for the present, in a state of security, The fort itself received little injury, either because the balls of the enemy passed above it, or because the spongy wood, of which it was constructed, diminished their effect.

This battle was remarkable on the side of the Americans for some of those traits of obstinate courage which are the usual result of the fermentation of minds in the midst of political revolutions. Among others, it is recorded, that a sergeant of grenadiers, named Jasper, on seeing the staff of the American standard cut by a ball, sprung after it to the ground, and fastened it to the rammer of a cannon ; then mounting upon the parapet, hoisted it anew in the midst of the most violent fire of the enemy. President Rutledge presented him with a sword, complimenting him highly and publicly.

Sergeant Macdonald, mortally wounded, and upon the point of expiring, continued to encourage his soldiers in the defence of country and of liberty. These examples of intrepidity were the object of great encomium in all the journals, and in all assemblies, both public and private.

These happy successes inflamed the minds of the Americans with new ardor. The event having demonstrated of what importance was Fort Moultrie, and on the other hand, how difficult it was to throw succours into it by way of the sea, it was resolved to unite Sullivan's Island to the continent by a bridge. This important work, notwithstanding all the obstacles it presented, was executed by general Gadsden, a zealous patriot, and one of the most distinguished men of the province. The Congress, by a special decree, voted their thanks to major-general Lee, to colonel Moultrie, to colonel Thompson, and to all the officers and soldiers who had displayed equal courage and patriotism in this memorable defence.

At this epoch, America was found in a strange situation, and actually unheard of till then. The war she had carried on with so much vigor, now, for more than a year, was directed against a king to whom she incessantly renewed her protestations of obedience; and the same men, who committed all the acts of rebellion, would by no means be called rebels. In all the tribunals, justice was still administered in the name of the king; and in the churches, prayers were continually repeated for the preservation and happiness of that prince, whose authority was not only entirely rejected, but also fought against with incredible obstinacy. It was declared to be the general wish to resume the ancient connection, to reestablish the original form of the royal government, whereas, in reality, the republican system had been long since introduced. A desire was pretended to arrive at one object, while all those means were resorted to which led to another absolutely opposite; in effect, in no revolution of state has there ever been observed so much incongruity between words and actions.

Such a state of things could not have duration; if the vulgar persuaded themselves that force of arms would reduce the government to bend before their will, enlightened citizens perceived, distinctly, that the wound was become incurable; and that it was hoped, in vain, to see the restoration of ancient ties between the colonies and the parent state. They well knew that the obstinacy of the British government was the fruit of pride, and that whatever success the Americans might obtain in the course of the war, they could never be of such a nature as to alarm this government for its own existence; the only extremity, however, that would be capable of inducing it to listen to a negotiation of accord.

The Americans could wage only a defensive war; and even supposing they should vanquish the armies of Great Britain, she would

always be able to renew the conflict. On the other hand, the mere loss of commerce with America, would not suffice to determine the government to accede to the conditions of the colonists, since all the other parts of the globe were open to it. Besides, great naval forces being the surest guaranty of the safety of commerce, that nation, whose marine shall have acquired an acknowledged superiority, will see its commerce increase and flourish under the protection of its flag. Nor should it be omitted, that however the principle of the quarrel seemed to consist in a struggle between limited monarchy and absolute monarchy, it now existed, in fact, only between the monarchy and the republic. The Americans, therefore, could have no other prospect but of entire liberty and independence; or of total dependence and servitude.

In this state of things, there was not a man endowed with penetration and experience, who did not perceive that an open and solemn declaration of the object it was desired to attain was the wisest, and even the only resolution the Americans could adopt. Their situation was not rendered by it more critical; it even offered immediate advantages, and still greater in perspective. Their counsels would thus acquire moré firmness, a point essential to the success of such an enterprise, and foreign succours would become more easily attainable. It might then be believed that the colonists, after having solemnly proclaimed their independence, would combat to the last in its defence.

The apprehension of a sudden reconciliation no longer restraining foreign powers, they might openly succour them. And perhaps the pride of England would be less hurt, in case of reverse, at negotiating with the Americans as with an independent nation, than in submitting to the conditions which had been the first occasion of the quarrel; for war can have no result more bitter than that of compelling him that has waged it to give up to his enemy the very object in dispute. The course, therefore, which the Americans had to pursue, was no longer doubtful, and the Congress was not slow to perceive it. If the resolution was urgent, it could never be taken in circumstances more propitious, or under auspices more favorable. The success of the arms of the patriots in Massachusetts, Virginia and South Carolina, provinces of such chief importance; the prosperity of their first maritime enterprises; and the multitude of prizes taken from the enemy by their privateers, inspired a well grounded hope, that whatever should be decreed by the Congress would have the concurrence of all America. The terror of the English arms had diminished in the minds of all, in proportion to the increase of confidence in the national forces; the union of the different provinces became more intimate; the ill success of the loyalists, in their first attempts, had discouraged them, and caused them to be looked upon by the patriots as enemies little to be feared. But if this party was impotent in arms,

they neglected not to resort to plots, the immediate effect of which was to redouble the animosity of the patriots against a government, that not content, as they said, with employing force, also hired incendiaries and assassins to practice their horrible arts against innocent cities, and the most virtuous citizens.

Certain loyalists of New York, gained and instigated, as it was rumored, by governor Tryon, had formed a conspiracy, the object of which was to arrest, and perhaps to murder, general Washington and the other principal officers; to set fire to the magazines, and to occupy all the avenues of the city at the moment when the British troops, that were expected, should have presented themselves before it. The plot having been discovered, many individuals, who had been concerned in it, were seized, among others, two of the general's guards, and his steward himself; some were executed.

The horrible project of setting fire to so considerable a city, and attempting the life of a man to whom the people bore so much reverence and love, transported the patriots with indignation. They demanded, with loud cries, to be liberated forever from the power of a government which, according to the general opinion, gave wages to such infamous assassins. England herself, by her public acts, precipitated the moment of this total separation.

The discourse held by the king to the parliament had persuaded the Americans that nothing would be remitted of the measures of rigor adopted against them, and consequently that their preparations of war could not be too formidable.

The discussions and decisions of parliament, disclosed to them the impotence of those who attempted to defend their cause. But the act of the fifteenth of May, which abandoned American property, private as well as public, to those who could find the way to seize it, had thoroughly apprised the colonists that it was resolved not only to exercise against them the extremes of hostility, but that it was intended to violate, with respect to them, all the principles of those laws which, among civilised nations, still plead for humanity even in the midst of carnage and devastation. In a word, they no longer doubted but that the English ministry was determined to organise against them a system of piracy and robbery. No foreign nation, when their enemy, had ever perpetrated such excesses; much less could they endure them on the part of their own fellow-citizens. But was it possible still to give this name to enemies who no longer observed any measure? Affection, which has its source in the ties of blood and political union, can no longer exist, when not only the laws in use among friendly nations, but even usages respected by civilised people in the midst of the most cruel discords, have been trampled under foot. And if the English resolved to wage a war of barbarians against America, the least that could follow was, that the latter should view them as foreigners.

The resolution taken by England to employ, and send against the Americans, the mercenary troops of Germany, whom the colonists looked upon as men devoid of all humanity, had produced the most violent impression upon their minds. From this moment they abjured all sentiment of consanguinity towards a people who sent against their children such cruel executors of their will. Behold then,' they cried, 'the ministers of peace, the negotiators that England sends us! The soldiers of the princes of Hesse, of Brunswick, and of Waldeck! The devastations, the massacres, the implacable fury of these hireling Germans, the horrible barbarities of the Indian savages, such are the instruments the British government employs to vanquish our constancy, and subject us anew to its yoke! The English arm foreigners against us; then let us combat the English themselves, as if they were foreigners. Their laws, no less cruel than their soldiers, have severed all our ties; have despoiled us even of the hope to reunite them; wherefore, then, do we still hesitate to adopt a resolution, which if at first it appeared to us painful and prejudicial, every thing now demonstrates to be useful and even necessary?'

It is certain, that the very measures from which the ministers expected the return of the Americans to submission, served but to redouble their obstinacy, and furnished new arms to the Congress, and to all the partisans of independence.

Even the greater part of those who had professed contrary opinions, were seen to join with them, or at least to manifest an extreme indifference for the interests of England. Her enemies increased every day in number and hardiness; and every day her friends lost their influence and their zeal. A memorable example for those who, in their blind precipitation, imagine that measures proper to divide men, and to arm them against one another when they are cool, will produce the same effect when they are animated by some violent passion! Then what should appease, irritates; what should intimidate, encourages; and what should divide, assembles and unites. The desire of independence insinuated itself little by little into the minds of all. In public, particularly, the harangues had no other object; the general attention was fixed upon events. At this epoch appeared a writing entitled Common Sense; it was the production of Thomas Paine, born in England, and arrived not long before in America. No writer, perhaps, ever possessed, in a higher degree, the art of moving and guiding the multitude at his will. It may be affirmed, in effect, that this work was one of the most powerful instruments of American independence.

The author endeavored, with very plausible arguments, to demonstrate that the opposition of parties, the diversity of interests, the arrogance of the British government, and its ardent thirst of vengeance, rendered all reconciliation impossible. On the other hand, he enlarged upon the necessity, utility, and possibility of independence.