increase in the ratio of the efforts that were made to prevent it. Another consequence was, that the debtors liberated themselves from the claims of their creditors with a money continually declining in value; and though this year the discount was not considerable, since an hundred dollars in specie might be had for one hundred and four in paper, many private fortunes suffered from it; and the example became pernicious. In order to arrest so serious an evil, the Congress invited the provincial assemblies to become responsible for the redemption of the bills it had emitted, hoping that the guaranty of each state for its proportional part, added to that of Congress, might restore the public confidence. It was also thought very proper that the assemblies of the several states should impose without delay, such taxes as they might judge, from the condition of the people, could be best supported, and collected with the least difficulty. The Congress promised, that the sums produced by these taxes should be passed to the credit of each state in liquidation of their proportion of the public debt. The assemblies conformed to the recommendations of Congress; and this body also decreed another loan of two millions of dollars. But all these measures produced little or no effect, from the pressure of the times, the uncertainty of the future, and the abundance of bills already emitted, from the facility and the need which the Congress had, as well as the particular states, to put more into circulation every day.

But whatever might prove to be the success of the efforts of Congress to raise troops, to maintain the public credit, and to wrest victory from the hands of the enemy, they well knew that if the European powers came not promptly to the succour of America, she could cherish but a feeble hope of triumph. Fortunately it was known that these powers, and especially those whose naval forces rendered their assistance of the most importance, at the head of whom was France, were all disposed to favor America, either out of hatred towards England, or from the prospect of private advantages. Independently of the general inclinations of the European nations, these political sentiments manifested themselves by no equivocal tokens. The American ships were received in the French and Spanish ports, in Europe as well as in the West Indies, as belonging to a nation not only friendly, but moreover as belonging to a nation really and absolutely independent. The French and the Spaniards derived an immense advantage from it; they began to reap the fruits of this commerce with America, whereof England had hitherto monopolised the exclusive benefit. Nor did they restrict themselves to receiving the Americans with cordiality in their ports; they also permitted their privateers publicly to sell therein the prizes they had taken from the English, whether in Europe or in the West Indies. The remonstrances which the British ministers had addressed upon this subject to the courts of Versailles and of Madrid, had not produced any

sensible effect. It was no longer a secret that there daily departed from the ports of France, ships laden with munitions of war for America. There was also a fact which the English could in no shape endure, and against which they raised a violent clamor; not only, as we have related, were the American privateers received into the ports of the French West Indies, where they sold their prizes, and provided themselves with all necessary articles, but no small number of the French themselves fitted out privateers under the American flag, and, furnished with the commissions of Congress, infested every sea, and depredated upon the English commerce; which procedure, as the French government did not interdict, it was necessary to conclude that it approved. There was remarked also in France a general inclination in all classes, and especially among the noblesse, to enter into the service of the United States; already several of these last were arrived in America, and had treated with the Congress; among others, the Chevalier de Fermoy, appointed brigadier-general in the American armies, and M. de Portail, an officer of distinguished talents and valor, who was placed at the head of the engineers, a corps as yet very imperfectly organised in America. Never, in any other war, had the French, naturally so propense to military enterprises, manifested an equal ardor to place themselves under the colors of a foreign power. If this enthusiasm may be attributed in part to the political opinions which then prevailed generally in Europe, nevertheless, it must chiefly be imputed to the known disposition of the government. It is even extremely probable that France would have declared war against Great Britain sooner than she did, if Louis XVI. had been of a less pacific character. England saw with as much solicitude, as the Americans with hope, the preparations that were made with incredible activity in the ports of France and of Spain.

If the British ministers demanded the reason of them, they were answered, that a discussion with Portugal rendered an approaching rupture with that kingdom a thing to be apprehended; that the seas were covered with English fleets, and American privateers, and that independently of so furious a maritime war, such armies were sent by England into the New World as there never had been example of; that consequently France and Spain owed it to themselves to increase their forces, for the protection of their commerce and the security of their colonies. It was observed, also, that it appeared sufficiently surprising that those, who, not content with putting in motion all their national troops, had also despatched to America a large army of foreign mercenaries, should find it extraordinary that their neighbors should stand upon their guard against all the events with which they might be menaced. These explanations were by no means satisfactory to the English government, and in no degree diminished the hopes of the Americans, who saw clearly that the

motives alleged were far from corresponding with the immensity of the preparations. It had never been questioned that the family compact, concluded in 1761, between his most christian majesty and the catholic king, was chiefly designed to unite and confederate all the branches of the house of Bourbon, in order to reduce the power of England; and what more favorable occasion could present itself than the American war?

Such evidently was the object of the extraordinary preparations of France and Spain; and if, instead of those profound lawyers who then directed the counsels of England, the energetic earl of Chatham, or some other statesman of his stamp, had guided the helm of state, it is impossible to doubt that England would at that very time have declared war against the house of Bourbon. Experience has proved, this time, that fortune assists the bold, and that this world belongs to him that can seize it. As to Holland, if, being less warlike than France and Spain, she made no armaments that could give umbrage, at least her merchants, attracted by the lure of gain, supplied the Americans abundantly with munitions, with arms, and with whatever they had need of to sustain the war. All the other powers of Europe appeared to be animated, more or less, with the same spirit. Portugal alone persisted in fidelity to England, and would never consent to supply the Americans with arms or munitions, or that their privateers should be received into any Portuguese port.

Maturely reflecting upon this state of things, and urged by necessity, the Congress resolved to make the most of the present occasion. The entire league that was forming against England had France for its foundation, or rather for its heart; accordingly, so early as the beginning of the year 1776, the Congress had sent Silas Deane to reside near the French government, in order to penetrate its intentions respecting America. He was instructed to neglect no efforts to dispose minds in her favor, and to obtain immediately all the succours of arms and munitions that circumstances might admit of. He acquitted himself of his mission with extreme diligence, especially in what related to the material part. He succeeded in obtaining supplies from private companies as well as from individual contractors, among whom should be mentioned Caron de Beaumarchais, who manifested in this transaction an activity no less advantageous to himself, than to the Americans. These arms and warlike stores were openly shipped in American vessels, or privately put on board those of France. Silas Deane did more he found means to obtain them from the royal arsenals. They delivered him fifteen thousand muskets, which he hastened to expedite for America, where they were of essential utility. He treated with all those French gentlemen who were desirous of serving under the standard of Washington, but not always to the satisfaction of Congress, who sometimes could not confirm the conditions, or even the choice of persons, made by their envoy.

But independence being declared, and military operations having taken an alarming turn, the Congress had thought it expedient to send men of greater authority, that a solemn embassy, worthy to represent the republic, might bear to the king, Lewis XVI, the homage of their singular attachment and respect. They wished, especially, that, by the agency of these new ministers, what was only a simple desire, might be rendered an efficacious will, and that the effect should finally follow the intention. Accordingly, in their sitting of the twenty-sixth of September, they appointed commissioners to the court of France, Franklin, Jefferson and Deane, all men of singular address, and excellent judginent. But Jefferson having excused himself, he was replaced by Arthur Lee. Their instructions were, to continue to procure arms and munitions; to obtain permission from the government to fit out in the French ports, at the expense of the United States, a number of ships of war, in order to harass the commerce of England; and finally, to use all proper means to induce the court of France to conclude a treaty of alliance, of which the Congress had communicated the plan to their commissioners. They were also directed to solicit a loan of ten millions of francs, or at least of six, and even of four, in case they should not be able to obtain more. But, above all things, they were to endeavor to procure the recognition of the independence of the United States. The Congress, knowing that what caused the indecision of foreign princes on this point, was the fear that the Americans might abandon them all at once, after having engaged them to espouse their cause, and return to their ancient submission, enjoined it upon their commissioners to exert all their endeavors to persuade his most christian majesty that the United States. - would never again come under the sceptre of the king of England; that the confidence he might deign to place in their efforts and constancy, should not in any time be deceived; that there never should be granted to the English any exclusive traffic, or any commercial advantages and privileges greater than those that should be conceded to the subjects of France. The Congress proposed, besides, that, in case of war between France and Great Britain, the United States and France should reciprocally obligate themselves to communicate to each other the negotiations of peace that might take place, in order that each party might, if so disposed, participate therein. The commissioners were ordered to solicit a new supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets, with a certain quantity of artillery, and abundant munitions, all to be conveyed to America in French vessels, but at the expense of the United States. Finally, that the hopes of advantages to be derived from an alliance with the Americans, might be seconded by the fear of the detriment that would result from their reunion with England, the Congress strictly charged their envoys to give out that notwithstanding the good will of the United States, they would not be able unassisted, to hold out for any length of time against

the greatly superior power of Great Britain; that therefore it was to be feared, if they were abandoned to themselves, that they would be forced to submit, and that the British government would gain by conquest what would never have been yielded by consent. Then, as to Spain, in order to remove the apprehensions she might have conceived of a revolt in her colonies, the commissioners were authorised to assure her by the most energetic protestations, and to persuade her, that the Spanish colonies should, iu no event, ever receive any molestation from the United States. Finally, it was prescribed them to use all vigilance, in order to discover whether the British cabinet had opened any new negotiations in Europe for subsidising still other mercenary troops to be sent against America; and in such case they were to endeavor to obtain the interference of France, to defeat so pernicious a design.

Furnished with these instructions, the American envoys commenced their voyage. Franklin arrived at Nantz the thirteenth of December, and a few days after, at Paris. For a long time there had not appeared in this city a man more venerable or more venerated, as well in consideration of his age, which already exceeded seventy years, as for the superiority of his genius, the vast extent of his knowledge, and the brilliant renown of his virtues. At no epoch, perhaps, have the French, naturally so fond of novelties, manifested an equal expectation. Their conversations, their writings, even their thoughts, appeared to have no other object but the cause of America. It found among them only admirers and zealous partisans. Accordingly, from the moment the American envoy was arrived in their capital, his person, his actions, his words, his opinions, became the object of public curiosity. Nor can it be denied that he assumed with sagacity a demeanor well suited to the situation of his country and to his own. He presented himself in every place as the citizen of an unfortunate country, reduced to extremities by the cruelty of England. Who could remark his hoary locks, and tottering walk, without reflecting that this aged man had traversed an immense ocean to recommend the cause of his country to those who were able to embrace its defence? Never before,' it was exclaimed, has so meritorious a work been proposed to French generosity; France is the refuge of the unfortunate, the protectress of the oppressed. The war waged by England against her colonies is impious and barbarous; the blood she sheds, is innocent blood; it is only by the tutelary assistance of our king that the Americans can hope to be extricated from their cruel embarrassments, and to enjoy at length a secure and tranquil existence.' Franklin soon made choice of a retreat at Passy, situated near Paris; he appeared to deplore in this retirement the misfortunes of America. A rumor got abroad, and perhaps it was purposely circulated, that the British government, taking umbrage at his presence, had demanded of the court of France that he should