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defects of his intellect; but they are chiefly to be ascribed to the impossibility of combining progressive civilization with the principle of authority, or worse still, with the exercise of privilege.

It is beyond the scope of this article to unfold the successive acts and events of his reign, or to trace the steps by which his character became tempered to the hardness of steel. Everything tended to inspire Nicholas with a sense of his own infallibility. He became dogmatic in judgment and arbitrary in will. His capacities gained new strength by exercise, his devotion to business increased his knowledge of affairs, and all his resources were conscientiously devoted to the administration of the government. Still he often proved unequal to the task. In the early portion of his reign, he consulted freely with his ministers and favorites, relying, in a great degree, on their opinions, and permitting himself to be guided by their superior information and experience. But, subsequently, he grasped the reins. of empire with a strong hand. making use of his advisers as instruments to

accomplish his plans. In this respect, he followed the example of Louis XIV.. in his advanced age.

Among the most important acts of his government, was the formation of a systematic legal code, together with the melioration of the criminal law, including the abolition of the knout as a mode of punishment. In his principles of political economy, he was a decided protectionist. The prosperity of Russia was greatly promoted under this system, and to its early adoption she is now indebted for her power to resist the combined resources of the coalition. He organized the army, and in fact, created the navy. His time was principally occupied with the details of the military organization and the foreign policy of the government. He wished to reduce the whole nation to the strictness of military rule, believing that this would be the most effectual check to the progress of a free spirit among the younger portions of the population. Thus, he ordered the pupils in the gymnasiums and universities to wear uniform, and placed these institutions under the superintendence of military men. The medical and surgical schools in St. Petersburg were entirely under the control of the Minister of War. The department of civil engineering, the

construction of roads and canals of every description, the working of the mines, and the charge of public buildings, were all subjected to military regulations. Nicholas, himself, planned and directed the construction of various fortresses in person. He also cherished a strong predilection for architecture. He built several magnificent edifices; for example, the Church of St. Isaac. He restored and embellished the Kremlin, and various other palaces, in St. Petersburg and Moscow, and in other towns of the Empire. Nearly all the architectural plans of public edifices, especially in the cities which were the seats of any administrative departments, were submitted to his inspection and approval.

The first trial of his autocratic principles, in relation to the general policy of Europe, was occasioned by the revolution of 1830, and the insurrection of Poland. Nicholas was crowned as King of Poland, in Warsaw, in the year 1829. He took the constitutional oath, and accepted the position conscientiously; but, doubtless, not very willingly. He decided to give a faithful adherence to the Constitution, as it had been transmitted to him by his predecessor. Its main guaranties, such as the liberty of the press, personal freedom, the publicity of the deliberations of the Diet, and many others, had been successively violated since 1819, by the Emperor Alexander, and his obsequious agent in Poland, the Grand Duke Constantine. To all these encroachments, the nation submitted silently, though sullenly. The conspiracy, discovered in the year 1825, was not caused by the violation of the Constitution, but aimed at the restoration of ancient Poland. The nation at large, accordingly, did not utter any protest against the arbitrary changes in the Constitution. The immediate functionaries who introduced these violations, were Poles; men high in office, and most of them belonging to families of the highest distinction in the kingdom. Their influence produced a strong effect on public opinion. The ViceKing, his council, the council of state, and every minister, down to the lowest official, were all Poles, as not a single Russian, at that time, could have been employed. Nicholas took this mutilated Constitution as he found it. He opened the Diet in person, strictly enjoining on the Polish ministers-who had, hereto

fore, tasted the delights of exercising arbitrary power-a severe observance of the law. He attempted, as far as possible, to mitigate the rage of his elder brother Constantine, who had been the real, if not the official ruler of Poland. As a compensation for his resigning the Imperial crown, Constantine claimed the uncontrolled sovereignty of that country.

Upon the breaking out of the insurrection in 1830, Nicholas did not hesitate, for a moment, to exercise all the power at his command for its suppression. The protracted issue of the struggle, which at one time, really menaced the position of Russia in Europe, aroused the wrath of Nicholas against the Constitution. Victorious in the end, he set aside the Constitution forever, but alleged the declaration of independence by the Poles as the cause of its suppression. He determined to incorporate this ill-fated nation with the Russian Empire, absorbing its existence in that vast political body. He, however, made a distinction, between the Polish insurrection, and the Russian revolt of 1825. The Russians he considered as his born subjects, and accordingly punished them with greater severity. But as the Poles were brought under the Imperial scepter by political events, their offense was visited with a comparatively lenient retribution. Of the principal Russian conspirators five were hung in St. Petersburg, while not a single Pole was put to death for the insurrection of 1830. It is true that most of the leaders had time to escape to other countries, and two hundred and sixty-seven were condemned to death for "contumacy;" but still several of the chiefs were captured, and among them, Lieutenant Wysocky, the originator and head of the whole conspiracy. His sentence was commuted by Nicholas to transportation for life; and he is still living in Siberia, near the frontier of China, where he owns large tracts of land, and has established a very lucrative manufacture of soap and candles. In the course of years, several small outbreaks of a guerilla character, followed the great insurrection. A few Russians were killed unawares; and on account of the treacherous and sanguinary nature of these outrages, their perpetrators were instantly shot. It must be said, in justice to Nicholas, that during his whole reign, not more than 400 VOL. V.-38

Poles, at the utmost, were transported to Siberia-some of them for life, and others for a limited time. Although this number is considerable, it still falls short of the current representations in regard to the enormous masses of the transported. These unhappy victims were scattered over the portions of Siberia, that were capable of being cultivated, and now form agricultural and manufacturing colonies.

Among all the Russian ministers and statesmen, Nicholas alone cherished no hatred or animosity toward the Poles. He, indeed, regarded the restoration of the Constitution, or of the distinct nationality of Poland, as an impossible concession; but, in every other respect, he always placed the Poles on an equal footing with the native Russians. The departments of public service were all freely opened to them-he cheerfully consulted their wants and promoted their interests-in spite of the opposition and ill-will of his Russian counselors. He had not the slightest tincture of the Know Nothing sentiment in regard to the Poles or their country. He was no less solicitous for the material prosperity of Poland than of Russia. In this respect even more was done for the former than for his own nation. was a common remark with him, "that he should allow Poland fifty years to become accustomed to her new political position."

It

After the convulsions of 1830, Nicholas grew more and more decided in his autocratic convictions. He adopted the belief that he was destined by Providence to be the defender of legitimacy in Europe. He carried out this belief to its logical conclusions, with his usual stern adherence to an idea. In spite of his antipathy to all constitutional forms, he was willing to accept them rather than to permit the violation of the direct rights of a reigning dynasty. He, accordingly promptly recognized the Constitutional Government of Donna Maria of Portugal, considering Don Miguel as a lawless conspirator. But he never assented to the changes which took place in Spain, after the death of Ferdinand VII., as Don Carlos, in his opinion, was the rightful sovereign; and as yet no diplomatic intercourse exists between Madrid and St. Petersburg. For the same reason, he was never reconciled to Louis Philippe, and would even have preferred a

republic, provided it made no attempt at propagandism. From his heart he despised the Orleans dynasty. The celebrated caricature of the pearwhich, as a likeness of Louis Philippe, for years covered the walls of Pariswas universally popular in St. Petersburg, and could even be found in all possible shapes in the Imperial palace. The fatal infatuation with which he cherished the principles of legitimacy, prevented him from taking a comprehensive view of European events, and exerted a mischievous influence on his Russian policy. The national interests suffered especially in this way, towards the close of his reign.

On all questions of whatever character concerning the rights of Russia, foreign courts and foreign diplomats found him intractable. In the year 1837, an English vessel called the Vixen, was detected in carrying gunpowder, a contraband of war, to the Circassians, who were in arms against Russia. The vessel was seized, brought into the port of Odessa, and confiscated, and the crew thrown into prison. The act produced a terrible excitement in the British Parliament. The well-known Lord Durham was sent to St. Petersburg, to demand satisfaction. But his mission was not successful. On one occasion, at a ball of the court, while conversing with Lord Durham, the Emperor raised his voice, so as to be heard by those around him, and said, "I am right in confiscating a contraband of war, whatever be the flag which covers it; and I shall give no satisfaction. Go to war if you like. I am well aware that you can destroy my fleets, and burn some of my harbors and cities; but, pray, make a descent upon Russia, and I can promise you a warm reception."

The turn of affairs in 1848-when monarchs, aristocrats, conservatives, and money-kings of all countries, fell at his feet, appealing to him as their savior-when the unskillfull revolutionists receded before him in terror-and he seemed to hold the destinies of Europe in his hands-actually intoxicated Nicholas with a sense of the importance of his position. He believed that the indestructible spirit of liberty was chained, at least, for a long time, if not for ever. He regarded himself as the great pacificator of nations-the only bulwark against the torrent of revolution and popular violence. After

the first blast of the tornado had passed away, defeated absolute sovereigns gained encouragement from his councils, if not from his arms. He thus revived the drooping spirits of the King of Naples; and, in a short time, the liberals were overpowered by the royal troops. It is stated by well-informed authorities, that Nicholas sustained the Pope not only with advice but with money, especially after the flight of the latter to Gaeta. He at once espoused the cause of Denmark against Schleswig-Holstein and the German Diet, opposing the effort for emancipation from what was called a foreign dominion, according to the detested revolutionary principle that had been proclaimed in Germany. He supported the interests of legitimacy and of the royal house of Denmark, while at the same time he protected the rights of his own dynasty, which, in a remote future, might have some claims to the Danish crown. When the partisans of a German Imperial unity proffered the crown of the empire to the King of Prussia, Nicholas strenuously persuaded him not to accept the proposal.

But his greatest mistake as a Russian Emperor, was his hearty espousal of the cause of the Hapsburgs, saving them from ruin by his timely intervention. Cherishing friendly relations for years with the court of Turin, and always treated with the most deferential homage by Charles Albert, he suspended all diplomatic relations, as soon as the king of Piedmont drew his sword against Austria. From that moment he treated the Court of Turin with profound contempt, and even to the last day of his life, refused to recognize the new order of things or the present sovereign. The campaign in Hungary was neither a brilliant feat of arms, nor a sagacious stroke of policy. The Magyars were attacked on all sides by overwhelming numbers, and could not long maintain a successful resistance. The expedition against them was contrary to the national sympathies of Russia. Her people regarded Austria with hereditary dislike. Pashkiewitch and the Russian generals would rather have burned down Vienna than capture Görgey. The protection of Austria was pernicious to the Russian interests. A small Magyar state on the confines of Russia could never be so dangerous a neighbor as an Empire, numbering thirty-five millions of inhabitants, in

a highly centralized condition. Had not Nicholas interfered in their domestic quarrel, the Magyars would have cherished no grudge against him. With the dissolution of Austria, the Slavic nationalities would have been emancipated. Unable to resist the Magyars, who were superior in numbers to each of them separately, the Southern Slavi would have sought the protection of Russia against the hated Magyar rule. The Hapsburgs, as well as Kossuth, threatened to destroy their nationality, and even their native language; and Russia alone could have preserved them from this fate. In case of the dissolution of the Austrian empire, Gallicia would have naturally fallen to Russia, and thus, without any effort on her part, she would have extended her dominion and consummated the Slavic unity.

The interference of Nicholas in European affairs was injurious to himself, and unfavorable to the interests of Russia. It excited a general antagonism against him, which still continues, as there is a strong conflict between the aims of England, and France, and the future destinies of Russia. But no justice can be done to the character of Nicholas, unless he is regarded exclusively as a Russian sovereign.

As

It is,

such, with all his faults and mistakes, he has secured to Russia a prominent position among the nations of the world. He presented a powerful stimulus to the feeling of nationality, raising it to a degree of intensity which it could not easily have reached in any other way. With the concentrated power of the government, he devoted himself to the development of the inexhaustible material resources of Russia-resources which, for the most part, had remained hidden until his reign, and not subjected to intelligent human activity. indeed, true, that a long season of peace, and the energy of the national spirit, contributed greatly towards the result; but the impulse came from his zeal, and the direction, from his sagacity. With a wise interest in the education of his people, he enlarged the number of elementary schools, as well as that of the gymnasiums and universities. The attendance on these seminaries was small, to be sure, compared with the bulk of the population; but it surpassed the number of pupils that received public instruction under his predecessor. It is to be regretted, that, in the opinion

of Nicholas, the nation was to be advanced in civilization, only so far as could be done without endangering the interests of the autocracy-to the promotion of which all other considerations were to be postponed. Thus he aimed to produce intellectual machines of limited activity, rather than men of liberal accomplishments and independent thought, so that he might absorb the national spirit in his own individuality. He did not perceive that, even for an autocracy, it is better to blend the population in an equal mass, than to separate it into a variety of privileged classes, and only favoring them with light in proportion to privilege. His reign is not without indications that he saw the need of a more general fusion; but, notwithstanding the military decision of his character, he had not sufficient energy to break down the barriers of distinction, to open broadly to the whole nation the sources of education, admitting nobles, burghers, and peasants indiscriminately to its advantages. The creative powers of Russia would have thus increased to colossal proportions, while the autocracy would not have held a more anomalous position than at present. Under the reign of Nicholas, Finland and Poland have enlarged their material prosperity; and even the solitudes of Northern Asia have received a new light, in the development of public order, and of the first rudiments of a progressive social system.

But if Nicholas failed to achieve everything he wished for the advancement of Russia, it is, nevertheless, true, that she is indebted to him for the degree of prosperity which she now enjoys. He certainly fostered, developed, and gave to the nation, a complete military education. This was partly because the profession of arms was his ruling passion, and partly because he foresaw that the expansive force and greatness of Russia would one day excite the jealousy of the older European states, and give rise to questions which could only be settled by an appeal to military force. Anticipating the inevitable developments of the futureand to which the present Crimean struggle is perhaps, merely a prelude-he organized, as far as was in his power, the national resources and means of resistance. All classes of society complained of this military mania of the Emperor, and often, loud and bitterly. It was

said that all the forces of the nation were crushed and absorbed by the military establishment-that more than onehalf the public revenue was squandered ort-and that an immense productive power was thus diverted to useless objects. In the present juncture, a large majority of the nation does justice to the sagacious foresight of Nicholas, and many now regret that he had not done even more. Without that foresight, Russia would have been unable to face the danger with which she is now threatened, or to oppose a successful resistance to the attacks of the West. In connection with his experienced corps of engineers, the Czar planned nearly all the strongholds which bristle around the Russian borders, as Cronstadt, Sweaburg, Sebastopol, Warsaw, Modlin, Ivangorod, and several others, by which the inroads of the enemy are arrested, and the invasion of the interior of the Empire is rendered impossible. By his special care, the magazines and arsenals were filled with inexhaustible stores of every kind of ammunition; and the astonished world sees Russia coping on equal terms with two European powers, superior to all other States in capital, in variety of resources, and in material and intellectual development. Russia contains in her soil the greatest diversity of natural wealth; but Nicholas knew how to use the granite, converting it into a safe-guard of the national independence and great

ness.

In the history of Russia, Nicholas will ever shine as one of her most useful sovereigns, as the efficient pioneer of her ultimate destiny. Absolute power, in his hand, like a two-edged sword, was wielded both for good and evil. He suppressed for a time, many lofty aspirations; but the elasticity of the human mind, and the genius of liberty, are indestructible; and it could not have been demanded of Nicholas to facilitate their expansion. Nevertheless, he unconsciously prepared the soil for other and better seed.

The

intelligence of the nation has received a quickening impulse. Though comparatively feeble at present, no power on earth can arrest its progress. Nicholas has exhausted the highest logical consequences of the autocratic idea. Neros or Ivans are no longer possible; and sooner or later, disenthralment must

come

No better patriot than Nicholas could be found in Russia. Indeed, he cherished his country with fond idolatry. Both in his intellect and in his heart, the national religion, the autocracy, and the Russian nationality, formed a sacred and indissoluble trinity. With the deep earnestness of his nature, the volcanic force of his passions, he pitilessly crushed whatever stood in the way of the accomplishment of his creed. In the discharge of this duty, as he deemed it, he did not refrain from violence and cruelty; but he committed no act without an impregnable conviction of its justice. He was an autocrat, a Czar, to the back-bone. The saying of the celebrated De Maistre, in regard to Alexander, that "despotism poured out of his nostrils," is still more applicable to Nicholas. Alexander was an autocrat by temperament, and shrouded his inclinations in mystery. Nicholas was an autocrat by faith, and proudly flung his convictions to the world. His character was transparent as the day. He never attempted to color his private or public actions with any false hue. He hated and despised all tricks, in politics and diplomacy. At one time, he appointed Count Pahlen-a man who had spent his whole life in the camp-to the post of ambassador at the court of Louis Philippe. The Count wished to excuse himself from accepting the office, on the ground of his ignorance of diplomatic niceties. "You are precisely the man," answered the Emperor, "that I like. I wish to have a minister of straight-forward speech." On the whole, Nicholas was easy of access, especially to the lower classes. He loved to come in contact with the actual people, and made frequent opportunities for this, in his repeated journeys in the interior of the empire. On his visits to Moscow, he freely mingled with the multitudes, that swarmed around his steps.

The private life of Nicholas was marked by heartiness and simplicity. He was a bourgeois father of a family, in the largest and noblest sense of the term. No better husband and parent could be found in any social condition whatever. He daily visited the nurseries of his grand-children. Sober and moderate in his personal habits, he was fond of luxurious display in his court, in order to do honor to the position. He was scrupulously observant of all

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