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tion of England; a foolish ceremony, which was exercised long after by his successors, just as we now make King Toms and King Jacks among the Negroes of Western Africa: but if treaties are to be considered as at all binding, it is quite clear that we have not the right, nor even the permission, of residence on the Mosquito shore, and that we cut logwood and mahogany on the shores of Honduras bay only by sufferance. It cannot, therefore, be expected that government ever will or can interfere in behalf of those who, in evil hour, may look to those territories, supposing (which yet we can scarcely credit) that, whilst we have so many unpeopled colonies of our own, possessing a fine climate and affording the means of a comfortable subsistencemen should be found weak enough to place themselves and their families at the mercy of a powerful tribe of capricious Indians, and within the vortex of a turbulent and revolutionary government, at war with the mother-country.

The Poyais bubble is however systematically conducted. First, the sale of lands is advertised; then a loan is required; and finally a book is published to bolster up the two former processes, and to induce subscribers' to come forward by directing the attention of the agriculturists of Europe to the numerous advantages which may be enjoyed in this rich country'-by assisting the first settlers,' and 'forwarding the great and good object contemplated.' The projectors, however, have employed a very awkward personage to perform this last part of the delusion. Who Thomas Strangeways, K. G. C. (Knight of the GullCatchers) may be, we neither know nor desire to know; but if, as he tells us, a portion of his life has been spent in this fine country,' we can only say that, within the covers of his Sketch of the Mosquito Shore, &c. there will not be found a single particle respecting it, which bears the slightest testimony of his having ever set foot on it; in fact, he has gutted and garbled Bryan Edward's Account of the West India Islands, and Browne's History of Jamaica, and transplanted, word for word, the whole produce of these islands into the Poyais, or rather into his pages-nay, he has even carried off the late Mr. Rennie's sugar mills from Jamaica, and placed them where no sugar mill has yet made its appearance

One piece of information, however, the book does contain, of inconceivable importance, and in such haste is the writer to communicate it, that it is stuffed into the preface. It is this, that the · Cazique of Poyais' is no less a personage than 'His Highness, the Macgregor, of the Clan Alpin, directly descended from the ancient kings of Scotland'! and, that we may shortly expect ' a Memoir containing a brief sketch of His Highness's life.'-Laud we the gods!—His Highness, it seems, is

at

at present in Europe, ' procuring religious and moral instructors, implements of husbandry, and persons, to guide and assist in the cultivation of the soil;' and we learn with inexpressible satisfaction, that he told the Poyais at parting, (with an evident triumph over the caveat of Doctor Caius,) none but the honest man and the industrious should find an asylum in their closetwe beg pardon—in their territory. We take leave to suggest to his Highness whether it might not tend to the furtherance of his grand object, if overtures of an honourable nature were made by him to her Royal Highness the Princess Olive,' whose. moral and religious' tendencies have never been disputed, and whose other qualifications would come materially in aid of his own.

Our readers may recollect that a person of the Rob Roy family (who did not possess all the qualities of that freebooter) made a prodigious splutter in the character of a patriot, on the Spanish main, a few years ago,his name, we think, was Gregor, or Macgregor, or Gregor Mac Gregor--who, being taken by surprize, jumped out of a window, with his purse in his hand, leaving his breeches behind him. Whether · His Highness, the Cazique,' be the same person, or a branch of the same stock, we shall probably not know for certain, until the Memoir of the Macgregor of the Clan Alpin, makes its appearance from the pen ofThomas Strangeways, K. G. C.

After all, we have, perhaps, been contending with shadows, and the lands' and the loan' and the Macgregor (notwithstanding the fierce portrait as a frontispiece) are non-entities, and the whole affair merely, what is vulgarly called, a hoax-if, how. ever, they are realities, we think the proper authorities would do well not only to disavow all sanction of such pernicious fooleries, but to put an instant stop to them.

Art. IX.-1. Further Papers relating to the Slave-Trade. Nos.

III. and IV. Ordered by the House of Commons to be

printed. 1821, 1822. 2. Sixteenth Report of the Directors of the African Institution,

read at the Annual Meeting, held on the 10th day of May,

1822. IT T will deeply be regretted by all whose feelings are alive to

suffering humanity, that the two further Numbers (III. and IV.) of the Parliamentary Papers, and the Sixteenth Report of the African Institution, forbid the indulgence of any sanguine hope, that the

execrable

VOL. XXVIII. NO. LV.

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execrable traffic in human flesh is on the wane, far less that its extinction can be calculated upon at any definite period. The sense of shame, the dread of exposure, the stings of conscience, which, in ordinary cases, frequently operate on individuals as the preventives of crime, are torpid or extinct in the breast of the slave, dealer, and in those who sanction the nefarious traffic. It would be expecting too much from the practised slave-dealer, hardened as he is in crime, to forego so protitable a trade, however strongly the force of public opinion might set against it, while he perceives his own government, in total disregard of the faith of treaties, and of the most solemn promises, not scrupling to violate engagements made and recorded in the face of the world.

It was an unfortunate omission in the treaties concerning the slave-trade, and we are persuaded the main cause of their inefficiency, that they provided no punishment whatever for the culprit beyond the loss of ship and cargo; whereas, if, on condemnation, the master and crew had been made liable to imprisonment, and to be branded with a visible and indelible mark of infamy, the subjects of those with whom treaties have been made would not venture to contravene them by falsehood and chicanery, and by the prostitution of royal licences. It is something gained, and we confess beyond our expectations, that the Cortes of Spain, in their new criminal code, (which, however, has not yet been submitted to the king for his sanction,) contains a provision of this kind:

Art. 276. All owners and fitters out, captains, masters and officers of Spanish vessels which shall or may purchase negroes on the coast of Africa, or shall introduce them into any part of the Spanish dominions, or that shall be captured with slaves on board, shall forfeit the ship or vessel ; the produce of which, when sold, is to be considered as a fine; besides which, such offending persons shall be condemned to ten years' hard labour on the public works.

6“. The same penalties and forfeitures shall also attach to all owners, proprietors, captains, masters and officers of all foreign ships or vessels, who shall or may in like manner introduce slaves into any of the ports of the monarchy:

““ All negroes found on board, or introduced by any of the above. mentioned means, shall be declared free.

«« Of the produce arising from the sale of the slave-ships, one part shall be distributed among the negroes, that they may be reconveyed to their own country, or be enabled to form establishments in the country where they are introduced.” '- Report, p. 11. 1. This decree, if it should pass into a law, and be acted upon with good faith, will, next to declaring the trade to be piracy, have the desired effect with regard to the Spanish part of it. At the same time we must observe, that it would have been more honourable to

the

the nation, had they passed a decree to this effect before they made the enormous addition which they have done to the slave population of Cuba, and others of their colonies; or even in 1821, when the Cortes rejected the proposition of a law for the more effectual suppression of the slave-trade, proposed by the Count de Terreno: instead of which, an intimation was given to our ambassador at Madrid of an intention, on the part of the Spanish government, to apply for a further extension of two years to the term fixed by treaty for its abolition. The peremptory tone in which this intimatiou was answered by the late Marquis of Londonderry, that his Majesty neither would nor could lend himself to such a proposition, together with the despair, perhaps, of ever recovering their continental colonies, may bave occasioned that much better spirit' which the Report says began to manifest itself.'

In the mean time, however, the subjects of his Most Catholic Majesty have not been idle on the coast of Africa; and the island, of Cuba continues to be the general entrepôt for ships of all nations, and under every flag, particularly that of France, not only for the reception of slaves, but as a place of outfit. Yet we have there two Commissioners of the Mixed Court, whose functions, by their own account, are perfectly nugatory. It is stated in the Parliamentary Papers, that, since their residence at the Havannah, ninetyfive slave-ships have entered that port, (twenty-six of them in open, violation of the treaty,) besides about forty others in the minor ports of the island ; not one of which has been condemned. It further appears, that, from the 31st October, 1820, the period assigned by treaty for the total abolition of the Spanish slave-trade, to the 1st September, 1821, twenty-six vessels had entered the port of Havannah, with slaves to the amount of 6,415. Of these vessels, eighteen were Spanish, five French, two Portugueze, and one American, none of which had been judicially noticed by the government of the island. One case only was brought before the Mixed Commission Court of that place, and it proved abortive. The governor, it appears, had received instructions from Spain to carry into effect the stipulations contained in the Treaty of Abolition; but it is very doubtful whether any regard will be paid by the local authorities to any orders they may receive from Spain. At the present moment the Havannah is the sink of slavery, and the common receptacle of pirates and of thieves.

The Portuguéze governinent is perfectly untractable. It has so far the happiness of being singular, that it is the only European state which has boldly and openly refused to prohibit its subjects from trading in slaves. Other powers have at least affected to feel some compunction for the sufferings of humanity; and, in, acknowledging the atrocity of the trade, have made fair promises to put an end to it either within certain or indefinite periods; but Portugal

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unblushingly

unblushingly claiins a continuance of the odious traffic in its own African colonies, and encourages its subjects in it by the unlimited grant of royal licenses, nominally to Cabenda, where there are few or no slaves, but really to the Bight of Benin and Biafra, where they abound, and where, by treaty, she has stipulated to prohibit the trade. The Governor of Bissao, vorth of the line, is a notorious slave-dealer ; and one of his ships, with slaves of his own on board, was captured by Lieutenant Mildmay, almost withi gun-shot of his fort. : It has been ascertained,' says the Report of the Institution, by Captain Leeke, of his Majesty's ship Myrmidon, that from July, 1820, to October, 1821, an interval of about fifteen months, 190 slave-ships had entered the river Bonny, and that 162 had entered the Calabar, for the purpose of purchasing slaves--of which the greater number were French and Portugueze.' So actively, indeed, is the nefarious traffic carried on, that; in the course of six months, as appears from the Parliamentary Papers, (No. III. p. 53—-57.) between the Galinas and Calabar upwards of 38,500 human beings were torn from their country and friends, chiefly by French, Portugueze and Spanish traders. We are informed, on good authority, that in the eighteen months ending with August last, not fewer than 400 slave-ships had departed from the western coast of Africa, carrying away upwards of 100,000 slaves; that nearly one half of these were French, and the rest mostly. Portugueze.

We had occasion, in a former Article, to notice the conduct of the notorious Gomez, the slave-mongering Governor of Prince's island. Our government, it seems, had remonstrated so strongly against the practices of this man, that he was recalled, as our officers thought, to Lishon; but what was their astonishment and indignation on discovering him once more on the island, decorated with a ribband and star! The trade, it seems, had not suffered in his absence, having been carried on by his daughter, Donna Maria da Cruz, a worthy representative of her father, if we may judge from the specimen afforded by the capture of the Jose Hallaco, belonging to this mirror of female tenderness. This cock-boat was under the burden of seven tons: the height from the water-casks to the beams, the only place of shelter for the wretched beings who composed the cargo, was seventeen inches; and in this miserable chasm, thirty human creatures had been wedged; ten of them, however, when the vessel was captured, had been released from their misery by starvation, and the remainder were found in the last stage of human suffering, from hunger, filth and disease!

The total indifference of the Spanish and Portugueze slavetraders to the wretchedness which they inflict on the unhappy beings who fall within their grasp, is illustrated in the two following instances, given by Sir George Collier.

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