derous sway, in the same region with their civilized and intelligent countrymen. If we turn our eyes to the other side of the Atlantic, a frightful prospect opens to our view-frightful, as far as it concerns the European establishments and the white inhabitants. While San Domingo was under a divided government, the two conflicting parties, engaged in their own struggles for power and superiority, left unmolested the rest of the Atlantic islands; but now that the whole island is under one consolidated authority, who can doubt that their attention has been drawn to the condition of their countrymen in the other islands, into which, in spite of every precaution, emissaries will find their way, with the intent of inspiring the Negroes with sentiments of liberty and an anxious desire of breaking their bonds? Who can for a moment doubt that this great island, under the dominion of a free negro population, and situated in the very centre of the West Indies, and contiguous to the large and populous islands of Cuba and Jamaica on the one side, and Porto Rico on the other-on the last of which some revolutionary scenes have already been acted—who, we ask, can doubt that the government of that island will take every occasion to stir up the surrounding slaves to insurrection? ; Nor is this the only quarter from whence attempts may be expected to rouse the negro population of the colonies to assert their freedom. The infant republics of South America have universally declared themselves in favour of the emancipation of slaves. That of Columbia has passed a law that all children, born since the revolution, shall be free at the age of eighteen; and when an amendment was proposed, to fix the emancipation at twenty-five instead of eighteen, it was negatived by a majority of ten to one. Funds are also established, arising out of a general tax on property, for the progressive redemption of those who may still be in bondage; and Bolivar is said to have set the example of emancipating at once the whole of his slaves, amounting to seven or eight hundred. Brazil will be compelled to tread in the same steps, or a dreadful explosion may be expected to take place, as we understand that the slaves of the Portugueze settlements are by no means unmindful of what is passing around them; and they outnumber the white inhabitants by fifteen to one! How imprudent and impolitic therefore is it in France, Spain, and the Netherlands, to encourage the further accumulation of slaves within their respective colonies! which, whenever an insurrection takes place, can only tend to aggravate its horrors. We have heard, from more than one respectable quarter, that Bolivar, exasperated by the conduct of Spain or the Spanish authorities of Cuba, in sending out their privateers to obstruct the trade of the infant 3 infant republic, has threatened to declare the whole black population of that and the remaining colonies of Spain free, and to assist them with all the means in his power to shake off their fetters. In such an event, coupled with what is going on in San Domingo, it is fearful to think what may happen to the rest of the West India islands; to Guiana, Surinam, Demerara, and Louisiana, on the continent; into all of which, with the exception of the British colonies, thousands of Negroes continue yearly to be poured, as so many recruits to fill the ranks of the insurgents against the white population. If, then, the danger be, as we think it is, imminent; if the lives and immense property of the colonists be thus exposed to destruction, some plan ought at least to be tried, which may avert, if possible, so tremendous a catastrophe. What that plan ought to be, the West India planters themselves, and they only, are best qualified to judge-provided they could once be prevailed upon to look at the question dispassionately, and to examine it with a willingness to sacrifice some portion of their interests, as the only means of preserving the rest. We are aware that the question is one of extreme difficulty and delicacy; but it is one that ought, nevertheless, to be met. We are far from throwing blame on the 'Imperial Legislature,' or the 'Colonial Assemblies,' (after the example of the Directors of the African Institution,) for neither taking any effective measures for ameliorating the condition of the slave, nor paving the way to his future emancipation;'-we are convinced, on the contrary, that measures have been taken and are still in progress for improving the condition of the slave, and that the misfortunes which continue to hang over him, are such chiefly as are inseparable from his condition; many of them (enumerated by the directors) of little importance, and the removal of which would tend only, without benefit to himself, to hasten the catastrophe, which but too clearly appears to be menacing the West India colonies. As to the question of 'future emancipation,' any measure tending to that object, in order to be beneficial either to the colonists, or the negroes, must be extremely gradual, and not in consequence of any legislative measures taken at home. The result of these would, inevitably be to unsettle the minds of the negroes, and produce partial, if not general insurrections in all the islands. Let us be cautious then, that the full tide of our philanthropy for the blacks sweep not away the lives and fortunes of the whites. Whatever is done with a view to emancipation, must flow, as a boon, from the proprietors of the slaves, not be forced from them by any enactment of the British parliament. And, above all, we should bear in mind, that, as the freedom of the people of Europe has been the consequence of the gradual progress of civilization, has been as as yet but partially accomplished, and still remains to be extended to the peasantry of innumerable districts in Poland and Russia; so, in the West Indies, the same great object cannot be instantaneously, or even rapidly attained; but must be accompanied, if not preceded, by the moral and religious improvement of the negro population, so as to prepare them for receiving the blessing without abusing it, or defeating its benevolent purpose. It is not for us to say what plan should be adopted with that view. It must, as we said before, originate and be carried into execution by the colonists themselves; who are not only the most interested, but the best qualified to judge what is most expedient, under all circumstances, for the good of each party, of which we confess our own incompe tency to pronounce. ART. X.-1. Nuptia Sacra: or, an Inquiry into the Scriptural Doctrine of Marriage and Divorce. Addressed to the two Houses of Parliament. First published in 1801, and now reprinted by desire. London. 1821. 2. Essay on the Scripture Doctrines of Adultery and Divorce; and on the Criminal Character and Punishment of Adultery, by the Ancient Laws of England and other Countries:' being a Subject proposed for Investigation by the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge in the Diocese of David's, and to which that Society awarded its Premium of Fifty Pounds in December, 1821. By H. V. Tebbs, Proctor in Doctors' Commons. London. 1822. WE apprehend that the proposing of a premium for the best Essay upon Adultery is not the most judicious nor the most effectual mode of promoting Christian knowledge in any diocese, and perhaps least of all, in the diocese of St. David's. The operations of a Society, which has for its object the promotion of religious knowledge, must lie principally, if not entirely, amongst the lower orders; and the less they read concerning the seventh commandment, besides the prohibition itself, and a plain practical exposition of it, the better. We hope that the Menevensian purity of morals is not on the decline. Be that as it may, we doubt the utility of such a provincial association, and we are sure that its proceedings are injudicious. In the first place, we doubt the utility of the Society itself; because, when a small number of clergymen and friends of the church, in some remote part of the country, erect themselves into a distinct independent society, for the prosecution of those purposes which are a principal object of the church at large, they are very apt to let zeal get the better of discretion; to proceed from a practical dissemination of religious truth, to speculations upon points of theology; and to M 2 give give the sanction of an ecclesiastical body to the opinions of a few individuals. If such independent societies existed in different dioceses, we should, probably, have two or three prize essays upon the same subject, differing from one another in doctrine, and yet each bearing the imprimatur of a diocesan synod. We need hardly contrast this state of things with the benefits to be derived from a society, consisting of a great body of the rulers, ministers, and laity of the Established Church, possessing ample funds, with a constitution, which renders the slightest irregularity open to animadversion and correction, acting by diocesan committees, and directing its attention principally to the dispersion of the scriptures and liturgy of the church. In the operations of such a society, we may look for uniformity and energy, and a systematic prosecution of one and the same object; whereas it is more than probable that distinct provincial associations will cross and impede one another in their operations, and injure the consistency and dignity of the national religion. But whatever may be thought of the expediency of such societies, (if local circumstances should require them,) when managed with discretion and jugdment, we are quite sure that the system of premiums is injudicious. Neither does christianity itself, nor any of its leading doctrines or duties, require such an aid; and the aid which is purchased at the price of fifty pounds is not worth having. No man writes a book on a grave subject, for a prize of fifty or a hundred pounds, unless it be some poor distressed author who wants the money, or some young beginner, who would soar into notice upon the wings of a prize essay. In the one case, it is the mercenary pleading of an hired advocate; in the other, the dubious testimony of one who is seeking some future advantage. In either case, the need is adjudged by a few individuals, who probably will not always possess the due qualifications of learning, and judgment; and the result may be, that, for want of these essentials, either in the candidate, or the umpires, a book is sent forth into the world with an imposing title, which may injure the cause it professes to support. We verily believe, that in five cases out of six, all such premiums are a sheer waste of money. Take the instance before us. A society wishes to promote Christian knowledge in the diocese of St. David's, and with that view, offers fifty pounds for the best essay on the scripture doctrine of adultery. Some half dozen Welch curates, perhaps, to whom fifty pounds are no trifle, bestow unwearied toil and many painful hours (which might have been more profitably employed) upon the investigation of this delicate subject, and await with breathless impatience the decision of the synod at Lampeter or Aberguilly; when lo, an aspiring proctor from Doctors' Commons steps in, and carries off the prize. His essay is published, and read by some ten or twenty people in the diocese of St. David's; whereas the fifty pounds would have furnished the society with about about 200 bibles, each of which would have been an acceptable present to a poor Welch family. And to make the matter worse, the fifty pounds is offered for the best essay, when they had already a very good one, better than the best, done to their hands: but more of this anon. In the mean time, we find ourselves strongly impelled to embrace this opportunity of saying a word or two concerning another Society, lately erected for the manufacture of poems and essays, worked by a two-premium power; entituled, the Royal Society of Literature. With the sincerest respect and veneration for the piety, virtue, and attainments of the excellent Bishop of St. David's, who has been the chief mover of both these societies, our regard for the interests of sound learning and religion will not permit us to withhold our candid opinion of their merits. In the first place, we do not approve of the mistaken loyalty, which has introduced this society of literature to the public, as 'instituted under the patronage, and endowed by the munificence of his Majesty, King George the IVth.' Every body knows that his Majesty is at all times ready to extend his munificent patronage to every institution calculated to promote the honour or prosperity of this country. But as it is impossible, amidst all the cares of his exalted station, that he should enter into the details of every institution which solicits his support, it is obviously desirable, that no plan of public interest should be submitted for his Majesty's sanction, till it has been maturely weighed, and examined by those, who are competent judges of its expediency. Otherwise, the crudest theories, the most impracticable schemes may be palmed upon the nation, with the apparent sanction of a name, which ought never to be employed but in the cause of public utility. In the second place, the professed objects of the society in question are, first, to unite and extend the general interests of literature.' This may, for aught we know, be a very desirable object; but we are utterly at a loss to attach any definite meaning to the words in which it is expressed. Secondly, to reward literary merit by patronage; which, we are apt to think, is a process pretty well performed under the existing state of things. Thirdly, to excite literary talent by premiums; of which by and by; and lastly, to promote literary education, by bestowing exhibitions at the Universities and public schools, in cases of distinguished desert. We need not point out to our readers the fine field which is here opened for intrigue and favouritism; the whole constitution of the thing fits it to be a refuge for the destitute, a sort of asylum for deaf and dumb authors, and a provision for the children of some nine or ten associates, while at college; very charitable purposes, no doubt, but little tending to the encouragement of literature. The society, we understand, commenced its operations, by propo M 3 sing |