the last, is to the same effect: "We are not a mercenary army, hired to serve any arbitrary power of state; but called forth and conjured by the several declarations of parliament, to the defence of our own and the people's just rights and liberties; and so we took up arms in judgment and conscience to those ends, and are resolved according to your first just desires and declarations, and such principles as we have received from your frequent informations, and our own common sense concerning these our fundamental rights and liberties-to assert and vindicate them against all arbitrary power, violence, and oppression, and all particular interests and parties whatsoever." * Holding such views as these, it was not likely that the army would yield to the demands of a fluctuating majority of the House of Commons. There was no prospect, as things were going on, of a peaceful settlement of the nation. The presbyterian leaders in and out of parliament were insanely bent upon carrying all before them-fomenting disorders, promoting violent petitions, raising the prejudices and jealousy of the city, procuring hasty votes in both houses against the army, and even summoning its officers to give an account of their proceedings. Such conduct, to say the least, was unwise. The brave soldiers became indignant, and proceeded to action. Their first step was to obtain possession of Charles, which was soon effected. On the 2nd of June, the king attended by the parliamentary commissioners was playing at bowls on Althorpe Down, near Holmby, when a stranger in * Parliamentary Hist. iii. 622. Mackintosh's Hist. of England vi. 56. The "representation" was drawn up by Ireton. It is a wonderful document both for style and matter the uniform of Fairfax's guards suddenly appeared amongst them. While they were questioning him, news came that a body of horse was approaching Holmby. All mounted in haste, galloped back to Holmby, and on entering shut to the gates. The report was true. In the course of that night, Cornet Joyce with five hundred troopers arrived at Holmby House, and soon obtained admission. The commissioners had no power to resist. At ten o'clock of the same night, Joyce entered Charles's apartment, introduced himself to his majesty, who was in bed, and acquainting him with his mission, retired. The next morning, Joyce drew up his troops in the court-yard, under the windows of the king's apartment, and then proceeded to take possession of his person. There was some parleying between them before Charles would submit. "Come, Mr. Joyce, be frank with me," said the king," tell me where is your commission ?" "There it is, sir," Joyce replied, pointing to the court below. "Where ?" repeated the king. "There, sir;" and the king looking down, saw the troops drawn up in perfect array, waiting their leader's commands. "Your instructions are written in very legible characters," his majesty exclaimed; "'tis truely a fair commission-you have as handsome a company as I have seen for a great while." The army had now gained their first point, and prevented, it is thought, some dark designs against the king's life on the part of the presbyterians.† Their * Headley's Life of Oliver Cromwell. pp. 157, 158; an admirable and spirited biography, from the New York press-one of the first-fruits of Carlyle's sterling work. † Baillie seems to hint at this in more places than one, and the army expressed its suspicions. next step was to vindicate themselves from the insults they had received from some members of parliament, and to purify the house of those who had sought to instigate the people to disorder. To accomplish this they advanced towards London. By this time the presbyterian party were dreadfully alarmed. The game was passing out of their hands. Their cause would speedily become hopeless. In their terror they scarcely knew how to act. While the Independents were calm and deliberate, keeping to their purpose, and holding themselves in reserve for any emergency, this party seemed to have lost its wits. They exasperated the army by the foulest abuse; sought to stir up the inhabitants of the metropolis, then crowded with malignants and refugee royalists from the scattered armies of Charles, to acts of violence; and, to make matters still worse, procured repeated votes of the house that the army should not come within twenty five miles of London. Their conduct was the very imbecility of fear. Notwithstanding these provocations, the army would in all probability have kept its distance for some time to come, if parliament had been left free to follow wiser counsels, and to conduct its business in an orderly manner. Indeed, towards the end of July, 1647, matters calmed down a little, even if they did not The eleven offending seem as good as settled."* members had withdrawn from the house, Holles' "declaration" against the army had been expunged from its journals, and the presbyterian ordinance for raising a new militia was revoked. But the insane conduct of the city presbyterians spoiled all. They sent up a petition to the house in favour of the new militia ordinance, and demanded the suppression of the Independent conventicles. Not satisfied with this, they entered into a solemn engagement by oath and vow, binding the subscribers to the number of a hundred thousand-citizens, apprentices, train-bands, soldiers, and sailors-to keep away the army, and bring the king in all honour and safety to Westminster, there to treat with him. On the 26th, at their instigation, a mob of apprentices and others invaded both houses of parliament, and compelled the members by threats and other forcible means to vote according to their petition. Thus overawed, the speakers of both houses with a large body of members fled to the army for protection, and brought about the very act which had been so much deprecated. The army had no alternative left, and immediately put itself in motion for London. In spite of the feeble attempts of the city militia and train-bands under General Massey to resist them, the troops of Fairfax advanced steadily on; and on Friday morning the 6th of August," with boughs of laurel in their hats," marched "three deep by Hyde Park" into the heart of the city. All was now over. From this period, the Independents were masters of the field. To narrate in due order all the events which happened after this memorable proceeding, would require considerable space. We shall only advance what is needful to illustrate the conduct pursued by the Independents. From the facts we have adduced, it is evident that up to this time the army had taken the only course consistent with a regard to self-preservation and the welfare of the nation. There is not the slightest evidence to prove that either it or its officers had formed any ambitious or merely party designs. Their aim was the general good. They desired to see a peaceable, just, and permanent settlement of the nation. At the same time it should be observed that as the termination of the contest seemed nearer, the mind of the army began to be divided respecting the mode in which that settlement was to be effected. Agreed as to the end, they differed about the means. This was natural enough. It was hardly possible that so numerous a body of thoughtful and intelligent men should arrive at the same conclusion all at once. Some were enamoured of republican principles. Others were in favour of monarchy. A third party, indifferent to all modes of political organization, were prepared to fall in with any which the course of events might indicate as the most practicable for that time. This difference of political views became apparent before the army advanced upon the metropolis, and led to some dissension, not affecting their general regard for civil and religious liberty. The same differences exhibited themselves afterwards, during the whole period both of the commonwealth and protectorate. The student of this period of British history will do well to bear this in mind. It will explain many difficult passages, and throw much light upon the conduct-sometimes united, sometimes strangely divided —of the now ascendant party. It will exonerate the principles of Independency from all connexion, direct or indirect, with those causes which led, whether to the death of Charles, or the enthronement of the Protector, while it will clearly show how it was that many of the warmest advocates of Independency were avow |