Bowden Park, Wilts, the seat of B. Dickinson, Esq. Pavilion, Brighton of the P. of Wales, Plans for Public Assembly Rooms at Glasgow, Sydney Lodge. Hants, - of Hon. Mrs. Yorke, of Sir F. Sykes, Bart. James Wyatt. Broomfield Lodge, Clapham, — of late Hon. E.J.Eliot, J T. Groves. - of B. Thompson, Esq. W. Porden. Putney Park, S. Wyatt. Trinity House, Tower Hill, London, seat of J. Smith, Esq. T. Rogers. Ditto. Doddington Hall, Cheshire, of Sir T. Broughton, Bart. S. Wyatt, We do not find any intimation that this work is to be farther prosecuted, though we apprehend that additional materials might abundantly be supplied, and by professional men whose names do not yet appear among these records. POLITICAL. Art. 16. A Letter to the Rt. Hon. William Pitt, on the late Arrangements in Administration. By Timothy Plain. 8vo. IS. Jordan. 18c4. This writer gives credit to the several great persons who, forgetting former differences, recently united to chase the late administration from the helm which he represents as a spectacle highly gratifying to the public, and the expected beneficial effects of which have been frustrated by Mr. Pitt's eager acceptance of office. He charges : the Minister with coming into power on the shoulders of others, with whom he co-operated in order to eject his former friends; and with thinking no more of them when that purpose was once secured : which object is described by the present writer as being the primary one in all the exertions of the great character whom he addresses. He censures him severely for engrossing to himself all the advantages arising from the expulsion of the late Minister, while that change was. the effect of combined force: So far,' he says, have you lost sight of the only object which a patriotic mind could have formed, namely, a general union of talent and worth, that you have even agreed to come into office, under the express G. 2. stipulation of the exclusion of that man, to whom, in particular, the eyes of this country, and of the whole world, are at this moment directed, as the standard of talent and principle;-of that man, who alone is calculated, from the character for moderation which he bears, to secure to us the confidence of the powers on the Continent; and by his energy and talent, to restore peace and tranquillity to Europe!' The introduction of the late administration is regarded as a contrivance of the present Premier, intended by him to be a mere temporary measure, under which certain persons were to be brought into play to sustain a part which he could not or did not chuse to perform himself; and which being fulfilled, they would be expected to retire, in order that the saviour of his country and the deliverer of Europe might resume his station. The appointment of Mr. Pitt, the author maintains, is considered by all Europe, as well as by the united kingdom, as declaratory of the intention of this country to persevere in the war system; and his administration is asserted to be less acceptable to the public than that of Mr. Addington. The author still, however, allows Mr. Pitt room for repentance: Think, Sir, what you are ;-Think what you might have been! -Consider how high you might have stood in the eyes of this coun try, in the eyes of the world, as being at the head of an administration possessing the unlimited confidence, and comprising the wHOLE talent of the country:-Consider how low you now stand, even in the esti mation of your own personal friends! - Reflect, ere it be too late.Go to your sovereign-point out to him the impossibility of reconciling the public mind to any arrangement founded on the principle of exclusion-Shew him how repugnant such a sentiment is to the idea of unanimity-Tell him how contrary it is to the wishes of those whose constant care, whose most ardent wish, at this moment, is, the prosperity, honour, and independence of his crown and dignity-act thus, and there cannot be a doubt that his Majesty's paternal feeling will induce him to yield to the ardent and unanimous desire of his dutiful and affectionate subjects! This, Sir, will be your conduct if you have come into office with clean hands and upright intentions, and this, too, cannot fail to be the result of such representations. His present Majesty, we know well, holds the inclinations of his subjects in as high regard as any of his predecessors could have done. His grand-father, you cannot be ignorant, had as decided a personal dislike to your father, as his present Majesty can possibly have to Mr. Fox. The public voice, however, and the sense of Parliament, taught him to conquer his prejudice, and the feelings of the man at length gave way to the duties of the king. Make his Majesty, Sir, sensible of the public feeling at this moment.' This is a sensible, spirited, well-intended, and temperate remon strance. Art. 17. Observations on the Temper and Spirit of the Irish Nation at the present Crisis. By John Pratt Winter, Esq. 8vo. pp. 50. Is. 6d. Longman and Rees. A very judicious and dispassionate Address; in which the author expostulates with his countrymen on the extreme folly, absurdity, and mischief Jo. mischief of the conduct which, to gratify temporary passion, would deliver their island to a pillaging, treacherous, and relentless enemy. He enumerates the reasons which should induce the Irish to support the union of their country with Great Britain, and paints with strong colouring the calamities with which all orders would be visited in the case of its being dissolved. He does not dissemble that there are grievances which require redress: but he exhorts to patience, and recommends it to patriots, in the mean time, to direct their efforts to improve the mind and social character of their countrymen. He asks whether there be any thing in the parent or dependant governments of France, which can be an object of envy to the people of Ireland, and which they would wish to see adopted among themselves? We are sorry, however, to discover, that in the opinion of the author there are numbers of Irish, original enemies to British connection, reinforced by others averse from British union, who would view French success with something more culpable than even indifference. This information, serious as it is, and meriting a degree of attention on the part of government which does not seem to have been bestowed on it, has often before been thrown out, but has not been treated as if credit were given to it. Were it possible for the dictates of sound sense, communicated in the genuine spirit of conciliation, to call forth a better disposition in the subjects of Ireland, much might be expected from the present pamphlet. Jo. Art. 18. Thoughts on the present State of Ireland, addressed to the Members of the United Parliament. 8vo. pp. 59. 2s. Ginger. 1804. In this pamphlet, a rapid sketch is drawn of the conduct of Britain towards the sister island; a conduct which, in every view of it that can be taken, and on every principle with reference to which it can be considered, subjects the former to the severest reproaches. The object of these pages is more particularly to point out the hardships of the Irish poor, to rouse British benevolence to interest itself in their favour, and to induce the legislature in its wisdom to devise means for effecting an amelioration of their lamentable condition. Such efforts are creditable to the head and heart of the writer; and most sincerely do we wish that they may not be thrown away. Lofty promises of benefit to Ireland and to the empire were made, when the act of union was under deliberation: but we have yet seen no attempts to realize them. We shall rejoice in a confirmation of the reports now floating, that the present Ministry have some of the necessary and long-desired measures in contemplation: particularly a government provision for the Irish catholic clergy. The real evil, which this author wishes to correct, exists, he tells us, in the poverty, depression, and, above all, want of education in the poorer classes, in the relaxation of industry from want of encou ragement in their manufactures, want of countenance, protection, and example from resident landlords, distressed by tythes from an inability to pay them and their own clergy besides, paying rents out of proportion to the other classes of society, and out of proportion to their wages or the necessaries of life in food or raiment, not provided for suitably in sickness. accident, misfortune, or old age, a distrust in the administration of the laws, from the abuse of them-these are amongst E the causes why the Irish peasant is the ready tool of rebellion, why he has been found careless of life, and has given instances of what I have heard called misdirected courage, but which might as fairly be termed despair or contempt of a life without charms and without comforts.' Jo. Art. 19. An Irish Catholic's Advice to his Brethren, how to estimate their present Situation, and repel French Invasion, Civil Wars, and Slavery. By Denys Scully, Esq, Barrister at Law. Second Edition, revised by the Author, with a Preface and Notes. 8vo. 28. 6d. Dublin. 1804 Experience ultimately proves that liberal policy is the soundest po licy: but how many ensanguined errors are committed, and how much fallacious argumentation is employed, to buttress the disgraceful edi fice of Intolerance, before Governments, esteemed enlightened, are brought to see that their greatest security and comfort depend on their justice and impartiality! What good reason can be assigned to prove that differences of religious faith, any more than varieties of opinion on any other abstruse and speculative subject, should induce an unequal distribution of civil benefits? It is easy, indeed, to represent danger and disaffection as lurking under certain religious systems; and it is easy also, by acting on this narrow principle in the infliction of fines and disabilities, to prove the fact to a certain extent, by alienating the affections of some individuals from the Government under which they live and suffer. Judicious statesmen, however, when symptoms of disaffection appear, will consider how far the persons implicated have reason for being disaffected; and, like good political physicians, they will then apply the adequate remedy. What has been the conduct of the British Government in this respect towards Ireland? It has not there acted on the same principle which it has adopted in the other parts of the empire, viz. establishing the religion of the majority; nor has it endeavoured, by contributing to the support of the Catholic priesthood, to interest it in the stability of the existing system. In our management of Ireland, we seem to have been guilty of every political indiscretion; and it is time to review the maxims of our conduct. The union professes to draw closer the ties which connect Great Britain with her sister isle: but, in order to give a full effect to this measure, we must render her ample justice. Throwing a veil over the past, which should never be withdrawn excepting for the purpose of historic information, let us in future make the case of the people of Ireland our own; ensuring their affections, and an unity of effort with us in every thing which concerns the welfare of the empire, by admitting them to all the privileges of British subjects. If, fearing the resentment of an injured party, we cannot at once grant to the Catholics complete emancipation, let us make some provision for the maintenance of their clergy; and let the improvement of the comforts of the poorer inhabitants of Ireland be our particular care. The Irish are a generous nation; and if we treat them as fellow-subjects, they will not be ungrateful. France wishes to detach Ireland from us; and the disaffected, goaded by a sense of their wrongs, may be ready to listen to the sug, gestions of the enemy: but, by joining with France against Great Britain, Britain, she would inflict on herself a most incalculable evil. United under the same sovereign, and placed together in the same part of the ocean, our interest is one; and he is alike the foe to both, who endeavours in any way to disseminate the germs of discord. The Irish, in the midst of all their complaints, are thoroughly sen sible of having committed some political errors, and are therefore in that state of mind which is most favorable to rational expostulation. Mr. Scully's Address, now before us, is not only well intended, but well calculated to unite with their sentiments and feelings at the present juncture. While he complains that Government violated its faith with the Irish people, and caused a peal of indignant com. plaint to ring from Derry to Dingle, and from Westport to Wexford; while he hopes that his Majesty's Ministers will unyoke the Catholics from the code of Intolerance, and break down the ingnomi. nious barrier which separates them from their fellow-subjects;' he preaches loyalty and obedience,-reprobates rebellion and civil war,shews to his countrymen that the advantage of their situation, as united with Great Britain, is superior to any which they could reap from throwing themselves into the arms of France, calls on them, by resisting Faction and promoting Concord, to manifest a confidence in the wisdom of their rulers,-and exhorts them to comfort themselves with the assurance that every prospect of the future is chearing and animating. He intreats his Catholic brethren to place no confidence in Gallic friendship, to spurn the insinuations of the French agent or agitator, and in case of the invasion of Ireland, to join heartily with every loyal inhabitant in speedily annihilating the vain hope of the boasting foe. The government and people of Ireland are deeply obliged to Mr. S. for the seasonable and patriotic hints which are diffused throughout his pamphlet ; the circulation and due consideration of which, among the objects of his address, are greatly to be wished. Art. 20. Strictures on the Necessity of inviolably maintaining the Navi gation and Colonial System of Great Britain. By Lord Sheffield. 8vo. pp 65. 2s. 6d. Debrett. 1804. The subject of this pamphlet is a most important one, and we are glad to see attention called to it. The regulations in question have certainly, as it is here stated, been contemporaneous with our mercantile prosperity: but whether they have given rise to it, or in what degree, we have no information in these pages. We agree, however, with the Noble Author in thinking that they ought to be watched vigilantly, touched delicately, and not altered in any tittle without serious deliberation. Lord Sheffield strongly censures the departure from them which has been sanctioned by some recent acts of parliament, and by the growing practice of the Council granting licences to dispense with their observance. Whatever doubt may be entertained respecting some of the positions here taken, no one can dissent from those which follow: England is not to confer free commerce and navigation in return for the vexations and restrictions which are imposed by other nations; and though the Navigation Laws were not, ae they are, too firmly and too long established to be tampered with by experimental specu P4 lators, Mo-y. |