found a new friend in his successor, Urban IV, who had been a Parisian canonist and who took a different view of matters. As a result, bulls of privilege took the place of bans of condemnation, and among them certain restrictions upon the privileges which had been acquired by the mendicants, to the effect that, although members of the faculty of theology, the faculty of canon law, or the university as such, the mendicants and the students with them could, nevertheless, be refused admission to the faculty of arts or the societas magistrorum et scholarium at its pleasure; that no religious college would be allowed to have more than two doctors acting as regents and sitting at the same time in the general congregation of the university, and that secular students should thereafter incept under secular doctors only. Naturally, under existing circumstances, these rights of refusal accorded to the faculty of arts and the university congregation were duly exercised. Seculars were not debarred the privilege of attending lectures given by friar doctors, yet their inability to incept under them, together with the oath to "stand with the secular masters to whatever state be should come," regularly administered to every master of arts at his inception, would, in most cases, prevent such attendance.

Thus, while failing of entire success in recovering its ground, the university had nevertheless won a substantial victory after a long and bitter contest, so that in 1318 it was able once more to impose upon the friars the oath of obedience to its statutes. Furthermore, by reason of the conflict, the university and its faculties became better organized. The corporate body could act for one of its faculties as a whole, and the acts of the faculties were to be treated as acts of the university. A system of finance had been developed, and the university had acquired a consciousness of its ability to hold its own high ground in defiance, if need be, of decisions of the Holy See.

VII.-CONCLUDING WORDS.

I have thus presented, with such fullness as the prescribed limit would allow, a systematic and orderly detail of the several steps by which the University of Paris advanced from its small beginning to final greatness. Totally wanting in the grand cluster of palatial halls, laboratories, museums, observatories, and other establishments suggested by the munificent endowments and ambitious plans of the Stanfords, Rockefellers, and Carnegies of modern times, the early University of Paris is nevertheless more deeply interesting than all of these because of the simple and rude conditions-material, social, political, and religious-of its origin, the intellectual awakening among the people of many lands which fostered it, and the unparalleled enlistment of kingly and papal powers which finally established it.

As already remarked, the notable achievements of the University of Paris were not alone in the field of learning, where indeed they were unsurpassed, but also and especially, as already suggested, in affairs national, international, and ecclesiastical. Its place in the world was exceedingly fortunate on many accounts. Unlike Bologna and other Italian universities in relation to the cities where they were located, it made itself a part of Paris and Paris a part of it, with resulting greater numbers of both masters and students, with increasing interest on the part of the religious, municipal, and national authorities through a most natural pride and sympathy, and with such relationships as eventually gained for it an unprecedented and otherwise impossible influence and power. After its safe passage through the perils at first believed to attach to the pagan-philosophies of Greece, Arabia, and Persia, and the reenforcement of its

faculty of theology by the very ablest philosophers and theologians of the age, the university easily came to the honors and responsibilities of what was in fact a supreme council of the church-rectifier of minor errors, whether of prelates or others, and the invincible defender of the faith where assailed from without. It created a scholastic theology, and it was thus, as Rashdall has well said, that it triumphed over the skeptical as well as over the mystical reactionaries, and became the first school of the church and theological arbiter of Europe;" for, however much the theological dictatorship assumed by the university may have blasted the fair prospects of the twelfth century illumination,' it was by means of this dictatorship that Paris conferred on France, and indeed on all northern Europe, one of the most memorable services which she ever rendered to the cause of enlightenment, of civilization, and of humanity.”

..

The reference here is, of course, to the influence exerted by the University of Paris in saving France and other portions of northern and northwestern Europe to so large an extent from the fearful ravages of the great inquisition.

Another signal service was that of resisting, and in some measure thwarting, as we have seen, the adverse schemes of the mendicant orders. It was, indeed, the most powerful champion of the secular clergy in their many conflicts, while in the remarkable schism which for a time divided the papal power the university also managed with great wisdom and was at last the main instrument in bringing about a return to unity. It had come to first honors, so that it even sent ambassadors to foreign courts on missions most important, and thus gained a still larger influence in the affairs of the world at large.

I have dealt first with the ecclesiastical side of this interesting subject of the university's influence because it was, first of all, by intent of its founders and in actual service, a theological institution par excellence. But the situation of the university at Europe's most brilliant and most influential center was no less fortunate from a political than from a theological point of view. Because of this simple fact it gained a supreme advantage, as already noted, and well it utilized it. First of all, it won the favor of the King, so that in a large sense he made it his special protégé, protecting its students from abroad when at war with their native lands and thus making them practically citizens of the world; tenderly entitling it "eldest daughter of the King," and opening the way for it to become a real force and influence in national and international affairs.

In many cases the university became the chief pacificator, outranking in recognized dignity and importance all other mediators, civil or ecclesiastical. It had become a "European power."

Historians dealing with the middle ages have with one accord made Germany first in imperial power and martial glory; Italy first in jurisprudence, in art, and in ecclesiastical authority, as seat of the papal power; but to France no less fitly belongs the honor of having produced that most brilliant and influential of the world's universities, through whose agency her queenly capital was made first in the realm of letters, first in science, first in medieval philosophy, and first in scholastic theology, as well as foremost in the vast and diversified realm of those practical, æsthetic, and social arts which are essential to the world's progress in civilization.

CHAPTER VI.

THE WORK AND INFLUENCE OF HAMPTON.

PROCEEDINGS OF A MEETING HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 12, 1904, UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE ARMSTRONG ASSOCIATION, WITH THE ADDRESSES OF MR. ANDREW CARNEGIE (CHAIRMAN), PRESIDENT CHARLES W. ELIOT, DR. H. B. FRISSELL, AND DR. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON.

The meeting was opened by Mr. William Jay Schieffelin, president of the Armstrong Association, who read the following letter from ex-President Cleveland:

PRINCETON, February 8, 1904.

MY DEAR SIR: I am sorry I must forego the gratification of attending the meeting to be held on the 12th instant for the promotion of the purposes of Southern educational work.

I am so completely convinced of the importance of this cause, as it is related to the solution of a problem which no patriotic citizen should neglect, that I look upon every attempt to stimulate popular interest and activity in its behalf as a duty of citizenship.

All our people and every section of our country are deeply concerned in the better equipment of our negro population for self-support and usefulness. There should be a general agreement as to the necessity of their improvement in this direction; and all good men should contribute, in the manner best suited to their several circumstances, to the accomplishment of this beneficent result. Different sections of our country are affected in differing degrees and with greater or less directness; but it seems to me all must concede that no agencies can possibly do better service in the cause of negro amelioration than the institutions in which they are taught how to be self-supporting and self-respecting. Such institutions as these, which have demonstrated their efficiency, and which prove their merit by an exhibit of successful effort, should be constantly and generously encouraged and assisted. The extent to which this is done may well be accepted as a test of our sincerity in the cause of negro improvement. Yours, very truly,

GROVER CLEVELAND.

Mr. Schieffelin then presented, as the chairman of the meeting, Mr. Andrew Carnegie, who spoke as follows:

ADDRESS OF MR. CARNEGIE.

Ladies and gentlemen, we meet upon the birthday of the great emancipator, Abraham Lincoln, he who knocked the shackles from 4,000,000 slaves and made them physically free under the law. But in the higher sense he only is a freeman whom education makes free. Lincoln did his part, but he only began the task. It remains for us, the followers of that leader of men, to continue and complete it. This brings us here to-night.

There is one class of men which experience is said to teach-the fools-but I suspect these are beyond teaching. Let us rather say that experience teaches the ignorant. I suggest this change because by experience I have been taught the Southern problem, and hesitate to class myself with the former. Every man and woman in the North who has not lived in the South, or visited it often

for extended periods, must be ignorant of the South and the serious problems which confront our fellow-citizens there, white and black. We have nothing like it in the North; neither has Britain nor any English-speaking community under free institutions similar conditions with which to deal, because it is not only a question of less or more education, but of race. Before I had a vote I was an ardent Free Soiler, and a contributor in my 'teens to the New York Tribune, then our great antislavery organ. After the war my brother and his family made their winter home in the South, and during my numerous visits there I was brought face to face with the Southern problem, and became deeply impressed with its gravity, as any Northern man is who is brought face to face with it. It was an entirely new problem, which I had never thought of and never could have correctly imagined. Preconceived ideas of liberty and equality, ending in the sublime privilege of the suffrage, were rudely shaken, and I was forced to see that it was not enough to say that "a slave can not live in the Republic; he breathes our air; his shackles fall." That necessary act performed, the task does not end; it only begins. We have destroyed one bad system, but constructive work is needed. The shackles may be off, but the slave of yesterday can not rise to the height of full citizenship next day. The prisoner from the dungeon, long confined in darkness, is blinded for a time by the light when released. Resolutions and party platforms, eloquent harangues upon liberty, equality, and fraternity, promote no healthy growth, produce no good fruit. Even legislation can not reach the seat of the malady. The men who stand face to face with the Southern problem are soon convinced that the needed help, the uplifting element, the indispensable instructor, is to be sought in an entirely different direction. The cure is not political, but social. Now, ladies and gentlemen, here is a remarkable fact-for fact it is as far as my knowledge extends-which I ask you to note. There never was, so far as I know, an intelligent, worthy, kindly Northern man who settled in the South and became conversant with its conditions whose experience has not been mine as I have recounted it to you. Without exception, they change their views and deeply sympathize with their sorely tried white brethren of the South and see that only through cordial cooperation with them is the needed work of raising the negro to be successfully accomplished. We should ponder upon this, especially those of us in the North who have not known life in the South. I am persuaded that the educational conference presided over by Mr. Ogden, represented here by him and others; Tuskegee, represented by that remarkable leader of his people, Mr. Washington; Hampton, represented by the president, and others are on the right path, and theirs the means through which the colored man is to be made capable of finally exercising the powers and performing the duties of a citizen of a free State with safety to the State. Many of you have read the wise paper of our distinguished fellow-citizen of New York, Hon. Carl Schurz, present with us to-night, an essay full of wise counsel. He points out that our aim should be first to lift the colored man and make him worthy of citizenship, never denying him, however, that ideal which he should strive to attain finally-complete political equality.

Perhaps I can give you a just conception of the difference in the situation with us in the North and our white friends in the South. We safely extend the suffrage in this home of free schools and universal education, and trust to education to make sober-minded, intelligent citizens as the sure effect of knowledge. The number of new citizens given the suffrage who are not sufficiently informed is relatively small. Even if they vote unwisely they do not drown the voice of the intelligent. These are still in the majority and their views prevail. Good and safe government is not endangered.

In the South the ignorant are the immense majority. To give suffrage with

out restriction to the blacks would mean that the intelligent whites were powerless-overwhelmed. Government would be in the hands of men steeped in ignorance of political responsibilities to a degree impossible for northern people to imagine. Only residence among them can give a true impression. No fault this of the colored people who were reared and held in slavery, or who at best are only emerging from that depth. The cheering fact is that they have shown and are showing more and more the capacity to rise in the scale. There can not be any doubt about this; their rapid and increasing acquisition of property proves it beyond a cavil.

Now, the wise policy seems obvious. We should agree that the keeping down of millions of people, even if successful, would be destructive to civilized society and a menace to the State. To treat them as if they had already risen would be equally so; therefore, an educational test for the suffrage should be adopted and strictly applied, applicable to white and black alike, for ignorance in the whites is deplorable. There is only one way to make satisfactory members of society, whether black or white, and that is through education in its widest sense.

So much for the dangerous and difficult problem of the South. To our white brothers and fellow-citizens of the South we owe at least an equal duty, and especially to the ignorant. He is no true friend of the South or wise American who forgets this, and I hope we shall prove in the future that while we sympathize with the colored race we do not forget our white brothers. After all is said and done, the improvement of the South, white and black, must be accomplished by the best educated white element in the South, which is in sympathy with our views and seeks the steady though perhaps slow elevation of both races, not the continued degradation of either. I stand before you to-night, side by side and hand in hand with our Southern brothers of our own race, feeling that it is through them we must labor if we are to solve the threatening problem which menaces the South. Fortunately the Educational Conference, Hampton, and Tuskegee all recognize this and find a responsive white element in the South, with which they are in cordial alliance.

It is amazing to see now and then schemes for the expatriation of the colored race, as if such a transfer were possible, which is not, and further, as if such a transfer were desirable, which it is not. We have a country with less than thirty people per square mile. England and Wales, Belgium and Holland, have over five hundred. We can not produce cotton enough for the wants of the world. We should be in the position in which South Africa is to-day but for the faithful, placable, peaceful, industrious, lovable colored man; for industrious and peaceful he is compared with any other body of colored men on the earth-not up to the standard of the colder North in continuous effort, but far in advance of any corresponding class anywhere. South Africa has just had to admit contracted Chinese labor, although there are between five and six millions of colored people there who will not work. We should be in the same condition but for our colored people, who constitute one of the most valuable assets of the Republic, viewed from an economic standpoint. It is certain we must grow more cotton to meet the demands of the world or endanger our praetical monopoly of that indispensable article. Either the efforts of Europe wil be successful to grow in other parts, even at greater cost for a time, or the world will learn to substitute something else for it. We can not afford to lose the negro. We have urgent need of all and of more. Let us therefore turn our efforts to making the best of him. Signs are highly encouraging. Individuals of the race who have risen and are to-day good citizens and worthy of the suffrage are easily found, and it is by the exceptional man every race is lifted ED 1904 M36