loathsome and dreadful disease, caught, as they supposed, from the natives, which carried off twenty-five men, reducing the survivors to a state of pitiable weakness and suffering. The malady was then new to Europeans; but the symptoms detailed by Cartier,-swollen legs, extreme debility, putrified gums, and discoloration of the skin and blood, leave no doubt that this "strange, unknown," and cruel pestilence was the scurvy, since so fatally familiar to the European mariner. Providentially, however, they discovered from the savages a cure in the decoction of the leaves and bark of a species of tree called in their language hannida, and since well known as the North American white pine. "This medicine," says Cartier, "worked so well, that if all the physicians of Montpellier and Louvain had been there, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have done so much in one year as that tree did in six days."*

The French began now to make preparations for their departure; but a dishonourable plot was first carried into execution, by which they succeeded in seizing Donnaconna, whose usefulness and liberality to them during their residence in Canada merited a more generous return. The monarch, however, with the exception of a slight personal restraint to prevent escape, was treated with kindness, and soon became reconciled to his journey to Europe, although his subjects, inconsolable for his loss, came nightly howling like wolves about the ships, till assured he was in safety. Along with Donnaconna were secured Taignaogny and Domagaia, who had already been in France; and, after a prosperous voyage, the French ships arrived at St. Malo on the 6th July, 1536 † It might have been expected that, after a discovery of such magnitude and importance, immediate measures would have been adopted to appropriate and colonize this fertile, populous, and extensive country. This seemed the more likely, as the arrival of Cartier and the introduction of the Indian king at court created an extraordinary sensation; yet notwithstanding the manifest advantages, both commercial and political, likely to result from a settlement in Canada, the weak and shallow prejudice which at this time prevailed in most of the nations of Europe, that no countries were valuable except such as produced gold and ↑ Ibid. p. 453.

* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 451.

silver, threw a damp over the project, and for nearly four years the French monarch would listen to no proposals for the establishment of a colony.

Private adventure at length came forward to accomplish that which had been neglected by royal munificence, and the Sieur de Roberval, a nobleman of Picardy, requested permission of Francis I. to pursue the discovery, and attempt to form a settlement in the country. This the king readily granted; and as Roberval was opulent, the preparations were made on a great scale. He was created by Francis, on the 15th January, 1540, Lord of Norimbega, Lieutenantgeneral and Viceroy in Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle, Carpon, Labrador, the Great Bay, and Baccalaos,-empty and ridiculous titles, which, if merited by any one, ought to have been conferred upon Cartier. This eminent navigator, however, was only permitted to accept a subordinate command; and as Roberval, who wished to appear with splendour in his new dominions, was detained in fitting out two vessels which were his own property, Cartier was ordered to sail before him with the five ships already prepared. He accordingly did so; but Donnaconna, the Canadian king, had died in France, and the savages, justly incensed at the breach of faith by which they lost their sovereign, received the French with an altered countenance, devising conspiracies against them that soon led to acts of open hostility. The French now built for their defence, near the present site of Quebec, a fort, which they named Charlesbourg, being the first European settlement formed in that part of America. After a long interval Roberval arrived at Newfoundland; but a jealousy had broken out between him and Cartier, who took the first opportunity during the night to part from his principal, and return with his squadron to France. This of course gave a death-blow to the whole undertaking, for Roberval was nothing without Cartier; and, after some unsuccessful attempts to discover a passage to the East Indies, he abandoned the enterprise, and returned to his native country. The passion for adventure, however, again seized him in 1549, and he and his brother, one of the bravest men of his time, set sail on a voyage of discovery; but they shared the fate of Verazzano and the Cortereals, being never again heard of. These disasters effect

E

ually checked the enthusiasm of France, while in England, the country to whose enterprise we have seen Europe indebted for her first acquaintance with the American continent, the spirit of maritime discovery appeared for some years almost totally extinct.

The plan of this historical disquisition now leads us to the examination of some remarkable enterprises of the Spaniards for the extension of their immense dominions in the New World, along the more northern coasts of America. The bold and comprehensive mind of CORTES, the con

queror of Mexico, not content with the acquisition of that noble empire, formed the most extensive projects of discovery. Alarmed at the attempts of the English to discover a northern passage to China and Cathay, he resolved to make a careful survey of the whole coast, extending from the river Panuco in Mexico to Florida, and thence northwards to the Baccalaos, for the purpose of ascertaining whether there might not exist in that quarter a communication with the South Sea. At the same time a squadron in the Pacific was to sail along the western coast of America, and by these simultaneous researches he trusted to find a strait affording a far shorter and easier route to India and the Moluccas, and connecting together the vast dominions of the Spanish crown.* Charles V., to whom these proposals were presented, although willing to encourage every scheme for the extension of his power, ungenerously threw upon their author the whole expense of the undertaking; in consequence of which, the idea of the voyage for the discovery of a north-west passage was abandoned, and the magnificent designs for the conquest of many great and opulent kingdoms sank at last into the equipment of two brigantines on the coast of the South Sea, the command of which was intrusted to Diego de Hurtado. This expedition ended calamitously in a mutiny of one of the crews, who brought back their ship to Xalisco: the fate of Hurtado was still more unfortunate, for, although he continued his voyage, neither he nor any of his crew were ever more heard of. A second expedition, intrusted by Cortes to two Spanish captains, Grijalva and Mendoza, was scarcely more fortunate. The vessels were separated on the first night of their voyage, and never again joined company. Grijalva penetrated to an island which he denominated Santa Tome, supposed to have been situated near the northern point of California, after which he returned to Tehuantepec; while Mendoza, by his haughty and tyrannical temper, having rendered himself odious to his crew, was murdered by the pilot, Ximenes, who assumed the command. Afraid of returning to Mexico, the traitor sailed northward, and discovered the coast of California, where he was soon after

* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 295. Memoir of Cabot, p. 263,

attacked and slain, along with twenty of his crew, by the savage natives.*

The survivors, however, brought the vessel back to Chiametta, with the tempting report that the coast abounded in pearls. Cortes now set out himself, with a squadron of three ships; and, although his vessels were dreadfully shattered in a storm, pursued his voyage with his accustomed energy, till compelled to return by a summons from Mexico, where the breaking out of serious disturbances required his immediate presence. He intrusted, however, the prosecution of the voyage to Francisco de Ulloa; and this enterprising navigator, though at first obliged by want of provisions to return to Mexico, revictualled his ships, and again set sail. The pious solemnity with which these ancient mariners were accustomed to regard their proceedings is strikingly shown by the first sentence of his journal:"We embarked," says he, "in the haven of Acapulco, on the 8th of July, in the year of our Lord 1539, calling upon Almighty God to guide us with his holy hand to those places where he might be served, and his holy faith advanced; and we sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin, which is sweet and pleasant, owing to the abundance of trees that grow there, and the rivers which pass through these countries, for which we often thanked God, their Creator." A voyage of twenty days brought the squadron to the harbour of Colina, from which they set out on the 23d of August, and after encountering a tempest, in which their ships were severely shattered, they stood across the Gulf of California, and came to the mouth of the river St. Peter and St. Paul. On both sides of it were rich and extensive plains, covered with beautiful trees in full leaf; and farther within the land exceeding high mountains, clothed with wood, and affording a charming prospect; after which, in a course of fifteen leagues, they discovered two other rivers as great or greater than the Guadalquiver, the currents of which were so strong that they might be discerned three leagues off at sea.

Ulloa spent a year in examining the coasts and havens on each side of the Gulf of California. In some places the *Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 364; and Ramusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 355. ↑ Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 339. Murray's North America, vol. ii. p. 68.