TO THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF THE COUNTY OF ADAMS,

PENNSYLVANIA.

March 20. 1808.

I see with pleasure, fellow citizens, in your address of February 15th, a sound recurrence to the first principles on which our government is founded; an examination by that test of the rights we possess, and the wrongs we have suffered; a just line drawn between a wholesome attention to the conduct of rulers, and a too ready censure of that conduct on every unfounded rumor; between the love of peace, and the determination to meet war, when its evils shall be less intolerable than the wrongs it is meant to correct. With so just a view of principles and circumstances, your approbation of my conduct, under the difficulties which have beset us on every side, is doubly valued by me, and offers high encouragement to a perseverance in my best endeavors for the preservation of your peace, so long as it shall be consistent with the preservation of your rights. When this ceases to be practicable, I feel entire confidence in the arduous exertions which you pledge in support of the measures which may be called for by the exigencies of the times, and in the known energies and enterprize of our countrymen in whatsoever direction they are pointed. If these energies are embodied by an union of will, and by a confidence in those who direct it, our nation, so favored in its situation, has nothing to fear from any quarter. To that union of effort may our citizens ever rally, minorities falling cordially, on the decision of a question, into the ranks of the majority, and bearing always in mind that a nation ceases to be republican only when the will of the majority ceases to be the law. I thank you, fellow citizens, for the solicitude you kindly express for my future welfare. A retirement from the exercise of my present charge is equally for your good and my own happiness. Gratitude for past favors, and affectionate concern for the liberty and prosperity of my fellow citizens, will cease but with life to animate my breast.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

March 23, 1808.

It is a maxim of our municipal law, and, I believe, of universal law, that he who permits the end, permits of course the means, without which the end cannot be effected. The law permitting rum, molasses, and sugar, to be imported from countries which have not packages for them, would be construed in the most rigorous courts to permit them to be carried. They would consider the restriction to ballast and provisions as a restriction to necessaries, and merely equivalent to a declaration that they shall carry out nothing for sale.

This is certainly one object of the law, and the second is to import the property; and to these objects all constructions of it should be directed. I have no doubt, therefore, that Messrs. Low and Wallace, and others, should be allowed to carry out the necessary and sufficient packages. But a right to take care that the law is not evaded, allows us to prescribe that kind of package which can be best guarded against fraud. Boxes ready-made could not, perhaps, be so easily probed, to discover if they contained nothing for exportation. Casks filled with water can be easily sounded from the bunghole. If you think, therefore, that one kind of package is safer than another, it may be prescribed; for that nothing for sale shall be exported is as much the object of the law, as that their property shall be imported. Reasonable attention is due to each object. Affectionate salutations.

TO M. LE VAVASSEUR.

WASHINGTON, March 28, 1807.

SIR,—I am sensible of the extraordinary ingenuity and merit of the work which you offer to the acquisition of our government. It would certainly be an ornament to any country. But with such an immense extent of country before us, wanting common improvement to render it productive, the United States have not

thought the moment as yet arrived when it would be wise in them to divert their funds to objects less pressing; no law has yet authorized acquisitions of this character. The idea of rendering the Greek and Latin languages living, has certainly some captivating points. The experiment has, I believe, been tried in Europe as to the Latin language, but with what degree of success I am not precisely informed. I suppose it very possible to reform the language of the modern Greeks to the ancient standard, and that this may one day take place. But in our infant country objects more urgent force themselves on our attention, and call for the aid of all our means. These peculiarities of our situation deprive us of the advantage of availing our country of propositions which, in a more advanced stage of improvement, might be entitled to consideration.

Permit me to tender my salutations, and assurances of respect.

TO LEVI LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, March 23, 1808.

DEAR SIR,-Your letter on the subject of Mr. Lee came safely to hand. You know our principles render federalists in office safe, if they do not employ their influence in opposing the government, but only give their own vote according to their conscience. And this principle we act on as well with those put in office by others, as by ourselves.

We have received from your presses a very malevolent and incendiary denunciation of the administration, bottomed on absolute falsehood from beginning to end. The author would merit exemplary punishment for so flagitious a libel, were not the torment of his own abominable temper punishment sufficient for even as base a crime as this. The termination of Mr. Rose's mission, re infecta, put it in my power to communicate to Congress yesterday, everything respecting our relations with England and France, which will effectually put down Mr. Pickering, and his worthy coadjutor Mr. Quincy. Their tempers are so much alike,

and really their persons, as to induce a supposition that they are related. The embargo appears to be approved, even by the federalists of every quarter except yours. The alternative was between that and war, and in fact, it is the last card we have to play, short of war. But if peace does not take place in Europe, and if France and England will not consent to withdraw the operation of their decrees and orders from us, when Congress shall meet in December, they will have to consider at what point of time the embargo, continued, becomes a greater evil than war. I am inclined to believe, we shall have this summer and autumn to prepare for the defence of our seaport towns, and hope that in that time, the works of defence will be completed which have been provided for by the Legislature. I think Congress will rise within three weeks.

I salute you with great affection and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

March 26, 1808.

Mr. Madison happening to call on me just now, I consulted him on the subject of Hoffman's letter. We both think that it would be neither just nor expedient that the supplies necessary to the existence of the Indians should be cut off from them; and that if no construction of the embargo law will permit the passage of their commerce, and if that law could, and did intend to control the treaty, (the last of which is hardly to be believed,) then an amendment should be asked of Congress. I have no copy of the law by me, and indeed am too unwell for very close exercise of the mind. Affectionate salutations.

TO CHARLES PINCKNEY.

WASHINGTON, March 30, 1808.

DEAR SIR,-Your letter of the 8th was received on the 25th, and I proceed to state to you my views of the present state and

prospect of foreign affairs, under the confidence that you will use them for your own government and opinions only, and by no means let them get out as from me. With France we are in no immediate danger of war. Her future views it is impossible to estimate. The immediate danger we are in of a rupture with England, is postponed for this year. This is effected by the embargo, as the question was simply between that and war. That may go on a certain time, perhaps through the year, without the loss of their property to our citizens, but only its remaining unemployed on their hands. A time would come, however, when war would be preferable to a continuance of the embargo. Of this Congress may have to decide at their next meeting. In the meantime, we have good information, that a negotiation for peace between France and England is commencing through the medium of Austria. The way for it has been smoothed by a determination expressed by France (through the Moniteur, which is their government paper) that herself and her allies will demand from Great Britain no renunciation of her maritime principles; nor will they renounce theirs. Nothing shall be said about them in the treaty, and both sides will be left in the next war to act on their own. No doubt the meaning of this is, that all the Continental powers of Europe will form themselves into an armed neutrality, to enforce their own principles. Should peace be made, we shall have safely rode out the storm in peace and prosperity. If we have anything to fear, it will be after that. Nothing should be spared from this moment in putting our militia in the best condition possible, and procuring arms. I hope, that this summer, we shall get our whole seaports put into that state of defence, which Congress has thought proportioned to our circumstances and situation; that is to say, put hors d'insulte from a maritime attack, by a moderate squadron. If armies are combined with their fleets, then no resource can be provided, but to meet them in the field. We propose to raise seven regiments only for the present year, depending always on our militia for the operations of the first year of war. On any other plan, we should be obliged always to keep a large standing