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population is universally checked by what he calls the nature of things, yet it is rather by the artificial nature of things that this happens. England is not peopled nearly to its level. Now, the primary causes of this circumstance seem to be, the natural reluctance of the middling classes to descend into a lower stage of life by burdening themselves with numerous families, the unequal division of property, and the impediments to the cultivation of new land. It is therefore opinion, principally at least, that keeps down population. It is the reverence of men for ancient institutions; it is the omnipotence of custom; it is resigna tion; it is indolence. Supposing, however, an order of men, much superior to ourselves, were suddenly introduced into this country; an order greatly more athletic in limb, infinitely more enterprising, in understanding incomparably more masculine,— looking farther before and after, '-despising our superstitions of opinion,-keenly ambitious, and determined to support themselves on the produce of the country;-conceive them, indeed, to enter on a solemn promise to respect 'the ancient landmarks which our fathers have set,' and perhaps with an intention of being just and merciful;-with all this, allow them to be but men and we firmly believe that every one of them would, by some means or other, find here that subsistence which he wanted; and that, by obvious consequence, this race of heroes would multiply, while our pigmy-generation would gradually dwindle away. But we have here put the case weakly. If, in the situation just feigned, we suppose this country to be previously peopled to the very powers of its last waste acre, the very same event would undoubtedly occur. We do not say that it would be a set of wolves carving out breathing-room for themselves in a fold crowded with sheep; but it would certainly be men making way among children.

We need not apply this imagined event; the parallel is obvipus. Our author, when denying the possibility of the introduction of an European population into Hindustan, overlooks the superior energy of the European character, and that surest magic, the ascendancy of strong minds over weak ones. ? We may almost quote on this subject, without any gross misapplication of its meaning, the noble exclamation of the poet;

Mind, mind alone, bear witness, earth and heaven!
The living fountains in itself contains.

The great obstacle, certainly, to the event supposed, would be, a strict and impartial discharge of justice in our courts in the East. This would certainly prevent any violent and grievous oppression of the natives by the European adventurers; but there are a thousand ways in which we might gradually press upon

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them, without a direct violation of law. We are to observe further, that one third of the lands of India is waste, and that the rest, productive as it is, is very meanly cultivated. The first sound of a free Indian trade would attract a hundred different vessels from our coasts. Speculation would be prodigal and improvident; for, after all, even commerce can be romantic. All this would lead in many ways to a settlement; but this at least flows inevitably from the preceding remarks, that supposing, by some accident, (against which, who shall ensure us?) an European plantation once to begin in our Indian provinces, it must proceed. The weak must gradually yield to the strong; the lazy to the laborious; the timorous to the daring. The European population would, indeed, gradually degenerate; and there would be a pretty numerous mixed race; but the genuine natives must, after all, decline.

The probability of these events forms a very formidable objec tion to those measures from which they must originate. We I will not consider, how much or how little of danger, might accrue to this country, from the colonization of British India. We are quite content with the evils which, if we have rightly conceived what would be its process, it must necessarily inflict on the native population of Hindustan. How the American Indians, a far hardier race of men, have been perpetually compelled to recede before the destroying march of European colonization, it is unnecessary for us to mention; or to deduce from this, and many other similar facts, inferences and illustrations of the subject that has just been considered.

Thus much may certainly be objected to the second of our plans; to say nothing of the observation we have repeatedly made, that in its first effect it would probably tend to increase, in an exorbitant degree, the indirect power of the Crown,

But if we suppose either of these plans to be modified, by placing the government of India in some corporate body similar to that in which it now resides, the objections to both plans would in part be weakened. We have not, however, room particularly to trace the effects of either of these arrangements; neither is it necessary; as, if the reader thinks the task worth performing, nothing can be easier than, with due qualifications, to apply to them the remarks which we have already taken the liberty of hazarding. In effect, without violating our promise of withholding a determinate opinion on the matters agitated in this article, we may venture to say, that it is our inclination to prefer the third plan to the first, and the fourth to the second, But the reader, we doubt not, will not much trouble himself A a 4 about

about our conclusions on the subject, and will be better pleased if he shall have toiled through the prolix article with which we have presented him, to be left to the undisturbed exercise of his own judgment,

ART. VIII, Jugement sur Buonaparté, addressé par le General Dumourier à la nation Française, et à l'Europe.

Analysis of the Character and Conduct of Bonaparte, addressed to the French Soldiery, and the People of Europe, by General Dumourier. Translated from the French by Mr Elder; to which is subjoined the original text, Syo. Syo. pp. 122. London, Hat chard. 1807.

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MR [R Elder states in the dedication of his translation, that he requested a friend, who lives in habits of intimacy with Ge neral Dumourier, to inquire whether or not he was the real author of this piece. The General answered that he was, and that he gave full liberty to publish his declaration to this purpose; adding, at the same time, a good deal of invective, in the style of the pamphlet itself. Satisfied with this evidence, Mr Elder was anxious to make the work known in our language, conceiving that it is calculated to produce an excellent effect in the present crisis, by giving a most intelligent and faithful exposition of the conduct and character of a usurper, whose flagitious darings have spread ruin and desolation throughout a great portion of the European world, and even menaced Great Britain with invasion-and by proving most satisfactorily, that notwithstand ing his successes have been unusually rapid, he is not entitled to the character of a general on whose judgment an army can safely rely in any pressing emergency." Such are Mr Elder's views of his subject; and as for his author, he is universally considered the most skilful, experienced and gallant officer of the present age, and hath likewise been distinguished in France, and on the Continent, as the most profound statesman that has ever adorned the annals of his country. Bonaparte and Dumourier being thus satisfactorily disposed of, we may just mention, before proceeding to the original work, that Mr Elder's proper task of translation, is very ill executed. He nowhere does justice to the spirit of his author,-frequently mistakes his meaning, and in almost every paragraph, takes liberties with the composition, which are as much beyond his province, as to pass judgments on the military character of these two celebrated men..

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The Jugement sur Buonaparte,' is distinguished by most of the qualities which may be remarked in the former productions of General Dumourier,-great fluency of argument-such ingenuity as always convinces the reader that he could have said an equal number of equally plausible things on the opposite side of every question which he discusses-considerable rashness in stating decided opinions upon very difficult subjects-and, on all occasions, an exclusive attention to his own side of the argument-a certain facility in bringing together various details, which is apt sometimes to pass for the talent of forming large and comprehensive views, when in reality it may only be an enumeration of particulars seen partially through the medium of some theory-a style, frequently declamatory, but always lively. Those who chuse to peruse this tract in the original, will at least be entertained by it; and it would be in no small degree interesting, could we believe that it contained the sober and matured opinion of one distinguished commander upon the genius of another, and that no considerations of interest, with reference to the people of this country, whose prejudices it flatters-and no feelings of personal irritation towards the government of France had entered into the author's mind, while preparing to pronounce sentence upon the professional merits of his great contemporary. At any rate, the subject is extremely important. The fortunes of the world hang, at this moment, in a far greater degree than at any former period of its history, upon the will, and the destiny of a single individual; and, unhappily, there is no point of material consequence in the situation of any European country, which may not be discussed, without a digression, under the ti tle of General Dumourier's work. We shall, therefore, lay before our readers the opinions of this clever speculatist, and shall suggest the remarks to which they lead, both respecting the individual who is the more immediate subject of the treatise, and the present state of Europe in general.

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Our author sets out with some remarks upon the unfairness and the folly of judging by the event. He inveighs, in the common way, against the thoughtlessness of mankind, who estimate merit only by the standard of success, and give those honours to fortune which should be reserved for talents and virtues. uniform good luck which has attended Bonaparte, has, it seems, dazzled the world, and prevented them from perceiving that he is merely a fortunate adventurer; one who owes to pure accident, whatever he has not gained from the weakness of his adversaries. He does nothing according to principle or system; his rashness could only be kept from working his inftant deftruction, by the infatuation

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fatuation of his enemies. His whole career has been a series of defperate blunders, the leaft of which, in any other period of the world, muft have proved fatal. His crimes are ftill more astonishing than his temerity; and as his fortune cannot hold out much longer in fpite of the latter, fo his punishment is furely preparing by means of the former. In government, violence and caprice ;in policy, falfehood and precipitancy ;-in military affairs, want of fcience, of circumfpection, of felf-command,-supplied by nothing but a blind and headlong reliance on his own fortune. Such are the boafted talents which have made Buonaparte illuftrious, because men have been dazzled by the mere accident of his fuccefs, and never inquired how little he deferved it.

It is fingular enough, that our author, after these fatisfactory obfervations, immediately falls into the very train of reasoning which he had been condemning fo fharply. The term of Buonaparte's unaccountable fuccefs, he fays, is at laft arrived; Providence has referved for the Emperor of Ruffia to stay this fcourge of nations; he is stopt in his career, and about to receive his punishment. And now, he adds, when the falfe glare of good fortune is for the first time removed, we are enabled to form a juft eftimate of his pretenfions to the character of greatness. In short, this tract was written immediately after the news arrived of the battle of Eylau. General Dumourier then concluded, that every thing was going wrong for the French caufe. He faw the tide of fortune turned, and he immediately formed, or at least pronounced, his judgment upon Buonaparte, entering, as was then fuppofed, on a long courfe of difatters. So that this extraordinary man, while covered with unparalleled triumphs for ten years of almoft conftant victory, is only to be marvelled at, because he fucceeds without deferving it; and as foon as he receives fomething like a check, it is no longer fortune, but defert. Let him fucceed a hundred times; it is all good luck. If he fail but once, it is his own fault; and this fingle failure is made the rule for judging of all his former fucceffes. It may, however, at once expofe the futility of our author's reasoning, if we mention the following topic, to which indeed, in common with other declaimers on this fubject, he frequently recurs. After afferting, that he owes every thing to good fortune, and to the weakness of his enemies, that all the powers of the Continent have fupplied the ftones of which the pedestal of this coloffus is built,' and that his career has been brilliant but eafy;' our author adds, if indeed he could have ftopt after the peace of Amiens, if he had not feized the iron crown,-if he had not affaffinated the Duke d'Enghien,-if he had pardoned Pichegru

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