enemy, and are again in arms against their native country, with the accumulated guilt of its being now not only the country that first gave them life, but which hath, after they had most notoriously forfeited it, mercifully rescued them from death. Whence it is probable, that a real tory is by any human means absolutely inconvertible, having so entirely extinguished all the primitive virtue and patriotism natural to man, as not to leave a single spark to rekindle the original flame. It is indeed, against all probability, that men arrived at the highest possible pitch of degeneracy, the preferring of tyranny to a free government, should, except by a miracle of omnipotence, be ever capable of one single virtuous impression. They have, by a kind of gigantic effort of villany, astonished the whole world, even that of transcending in the enormities of desolation and bloodshed, a race of murderers before unequalled, and without competitor. Were it not for these miscreants, we should have thought, that for cool deliberate cruelty and unavailing undecisive havoc, the sons of Britain were without parallel. But considering the education of the latter, which has familiarised them to the shedding of innocent blood from the mere thirst of lucre, they have been excelled in their own peculiar and distinguished excellence by this monstrous birth and offscouring of America, who, in defiance of nature and of nurture, have not only by a reversed ambition chosen bondage before freedom, but waged an infernal war against their dearest connexions for not making the like abhorred and abominable election. By them, have numbers of our most useful and meritorious citizens been ambushed, hunted down, pillaged, unhoused, stolen, or butchered; by them has the present contest on the part of Britain been encouraged, aided and protracted. They are therefore responsible for all the additional blood that has been spilt by the addition of their weight in the scale of the enemy. Multitudes of them have superadded perjury to treason. At the commencement of our opposition, they appeared more sanguine than others, and like the crackling of thorns under a pot, exceeded in blaze and noise, the calm and durable flame of the steady and persevering. They have associated, subscribed, and sworn to assist in repelling the hostile attempts of our bowelless oppressors; they have, with awful solemnity, plighted their faith and honour, to stand with their lives and fortunes by the Congress, and their general, in support of that very liberty, which, upon the first opportunity, they perfidiously armed to oppose, and have since sacrilegiously sworn, utterly to exterminate. This worthy citizen has lost a venerable father; that one a beloved brother; and a third, a darling son, either immediately by their hands or by their betraying him to the enemy, who, from a momentary unintentional relapse into humanity, were sometimes inclined to spare, when these pitiless wretches insisted upon slaughter, or threatened to complain of a relenting officer, merely because he was not diabolically cruel."

X. From the actual assumption of political independence, to that of a formal declaration, the interval could not be long. On the very day that Congress adopted the resolution recommending to the colonies a change in their form of government; the convention in Virginia resolved unanimously, that their delegates in Congress should propose to that body, to declare the United Colonies free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence on the King and Parliament of Great Britain. The public mind was now fully prepared for this measure. The Assemblies of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New York, which had displayed the greatest reluctance and forborne the longest, at length assented to it. The proposition was made in Congress, on the 7th of June, 1776, by Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, and seconded by Mr. John Adams of Massachusetts, "that the United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be,

totally dissolved." This resolution was referred to a committee of the whole Congress, where it was daily debated. In favour of the resolution, Messrs. Lee and Adams were the most distinguished speakers. The latter has been characterized as "the ablest advocate" of independence. Its most formidable opponent was Mr. John Dickenson, whose "Farmer's Letters," had signally served to awaken the resistance of the people to British oppression. Mr. Dickenson's views were those of a sincere, but timid patriot. He lived to discover that his fears were groundless, and to give his aid in maturing and perfecting the institutions of independent America. In resisting the declaration of independence, he was actuated by no ignoble personal fears; his apprehension was for his country. For at this period, no man could be more obnoxious to British statesmen, than the author of the Farmer's Letters, who now, bore a colonel's commission, and was, in the month of July, 1776, upon the lines of New Jersey, and New York. The considerations which weighed upon his mind affected the minds of others; among whom were Wilson of Pennsylvania, R. R. Livingston, of New York, E. Rutledge, and R. Laurens, of South Carolina, and William Livingston, of New Jersey; who, if they did not doubt of the absolute inexpediency of the measure, believed it premature. On the first day of July, the resolution declaratory of independence, was approved in committee of the whole, by all the colonies, except Pennsylvania and Delaware. Seven of the delegates from the former were present, four of whom voted against it. Mr. Rodney, one of the delegates from the latter, was absent, and the other two, Thomas M'Kean and Gorge Read, were divided in opinion; M'Kean voting for, and Read against, the resolution. On the report of the committee to the House, the further consideration of the subject was postponed until the next day, when the resolution was finally adopted, and entered on the journals.* Pending this memorable discussion, a committee, consisting of Messrs. Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and R. R. Livingston, was appointed to prepare the delaration of independence. Messrs. Jefferson and Adams were named a sub-committee, charged especially with that duty; and the original draught of that eloquent manifesto was made by the former. It was adopted by the chief committee without amendment, and reported to Congress on the twenty-eighth of June. On the fourth of July, having received some slight alterations, it was sanctioned by the vote of every colony.t

The delegation in Congress, from New Jersey, during part of the time, employed in the consideration of the question of independence, had been elected by the Convention, on the fourteenth of February, 1776. It consisted of Messrs. Livingston, De Hart, Richard Smith, John Cooper, and Jonathan Dickenson Sergeant. After the proposition of the fifteenth of May for organizing provincial governments, it would seem that nearly all these gentlemen were reluctant to assume the responsibility of measures which led, eventually, to independence. Richard Smith, alleging indisposition, resigned his seat on the twelfth, John De Hart on the thirteenth, and Mr. Sergeant on the twenty-first of June. Mr. Cooper appears to have taken no part in the proceedings of this Congress. His name, with that of Mr. Sergeant, is regularly on the minutes of the State convention, from the 10th of June, to the 4th of July. Mr. Livingston was withdrawn, on the 5th of June, to assume the duty of brigadier-general of the New Jersey militia. Messrs. Richard Stockton, Abraham Clarke, John Hart, Francis Hopkinson, and Dr. John Witherspoon, were substituted for the previous delegation, on the 21st of June; and were, probably, all present at the time of the final votes upon the resolution, and the declaration of independence. It is certain, that

on the 28th of June, Mr. Hopkinson appeared in the continental Congress, and presented instructions empowering him and his colleagues to join in declaring the united colonies independent of Great Britain, entering into a confederation for union and common defence, making treaties with foreign nations, for commerce and assistance, and to take such other measures as might appear necessary for these great ends."*

On the 17th of July, the provincial Congress resolved, that, "Whereas, the honourable, the continental Congress have declared the United Colonies free and independent States, We, the deputies of New Jersey, in provincial Congress assembled, do resolve and declare, That we will support the freedom and independence of the said States, with our lives and fortunes, and with the whole force of New Jersey." And on the succeeding day they changed the style and title of the "provincial Congress of New Jersey," to that of the "Convention of the State of New Jersey."

* Journals of Congress, vol. ii. p. 230.

We are careful in noting these circumstances, as Mr. Samuel Adams, in a letter, dated 15th July, 1776, to Richard Henry Lee, observes, "We were more fortunate than we expected, in having twelve of the thirteen colonies in favour of the all-important question. The delegates of New Jersey were not empowered to give their voice on either side. Their convention has since acceded to the declaration, and published it, even before they received it from Congress."-Mem. of Richard Henry Lee, vol. i. p. 183. This error has been further promulged by the following note, in Mr. Sedgwick's Life of Livingston, page 194.-" This delegation, consisting of Witherspoon, Stockton, and others, arrived after the declaration had been signed, but were allowed to fix their names to it." We do not find on the Journal of Congress, the name of any other of the delegates, than Mr. Hopkinson, between the 21st of June, and 4th of July. But the following statement given in the life of R. H. Lee, vol. i. 176, upon, we know not what authority, shows, if correct, that another of the Jersey delegates was present, at the adoption of the declaration. "In the clause of the original draught, that upbraids George III., with the hiring and sending foreign mercenary troops to invade America, among those mentioned, the Scotch are specified. It was said that Dr. Witherspoon, the learned president of Nassau Hall College, who was a Scotchman by birth, moved to strike out the word, 'Scotch,' which was accordingly done."

The following extract from the life of Mr. Stockton, in the Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, proves, that he, also, was present.-" Mr. Stockton immediately took his seat in the continental Congress, and was present at the debates which preceded the promulgation of that memorable charter of national independence, to which his name is affixed. It has been remarked by Dr. Benjamin Rush, who was a member of the same Congress, that Mr. Stockton was silent during the first stages of this momentous discussion, listening with thoughtful and respectful attention to the arguments that were offered by the supporters and opponents of the important measure then under consideration. Although, it is believed, that, in the commencement of the debate, he entertained some doubts as to the policy of an immediate declaration of independence, yet in the progress of the discussion, his objections were entirely removed, particularly by the irresistible and conclusive arguments of the honourable John Adams, and he fully concurred in the final vote, in favour of that bold and decisive measure. This concurrence he expressed in a short and energetic address, which he delivered in Congress, towards the close of the debate." It may be true, but is not probable, that Mr. Stockton doubted, in Congress, upon this measure. It is certain, that he was instructed by the convention, which appointed him, to support it, and in so doing, performed a delegated trust, which he was too honest to betray. This State had decided the question before she sent him to announce her

consent.

CHAPTER XIII.

I. Military Proceedings in Canada.-II. Measures adopted in Great Britain.-III. Objects proposed for the Campaign of 1776.-IV. Operations against New York, and the surrounding Country.-V. Proposals for accommodation, by the British Commissioners.-VI. Condition of the American Forces, at New York-Landing of Lord Howe, on Long Island.-VII. Battle of Brooklyn.-VIII. Retreat of the American Army from Long Island.-IX. Unhappy Effect of the Defeat of the American Army.-X. Lord Howe renews his Attempts for accommodation of the Quarrel-Proceedings of Congress.—XI. Military Movement of the Armies, after the Battle of Brooklyn.-XII. American Army, by advice of General Lee, quit York Island.-XIII. Battle of White Plains.-XIV. Capture of Fort Washington.-XV. Abandonment of Fort Lee, and retreat of the American Army-Its condition-Inhabitants join the British.-XVI. Washington crosses the Delaware-The enemy possess themselves of the left bank.-XVII. Capture of General Lee.-XVIII. New efforts of the Commander-in-Chief-The enemy retire into Winter Quarters.-XIX. Battle of Trenton.-XX. The British re-open the Campaign.-XXI. The American Army re-enters Jersey.XXII. Battle of Princeton.-XXIII. The American Army retreat to Morristown-Beneficial results of the late actions.-XXIV. Firmness of Congress.XXV. Condition of New Jersey.-XXVI. The American Army innoculated for the Small Pox.-XXVII. Measures for reclaiming the disaffected of New Jersey. XXVIII. License of American Troops-restrained.

I. The early successes of General Montgomery, had induced Congress to reinforce the army under his command; and on the intelligence transmitted previous to the assault on Quebec, they resolved, that nine battalions should be maintained in Canada.* Nor did the repulse extinguish this ardour. The council of war, of the army before Boston, resolved, that as no troops could be spared from Cambridge, the colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, should forward their regiments to Canada; and Congress, in addition to the reinforcements previously ordered, directed four battalions from New York. The indispensable articles, blankets, were procured by contributions of householders, from their family stocks, and specie, by the enthusiasm of patriots, who readily exchanged, at par, their Mexican dollars, for the paper bills of Congress. It was resolved, also, to raise a corps of artillery for this service, and to take into pay one thousand Canadians, in addition to Colonel Livingston's regiment, and to place them under the command of Moses Hazen, a native of Massachusetts, who had resided many years in Canada. A stimulating address to the inhabitants, was published by Congress; and a printing press, and a priest, were despatched, that the cause might have the powerful aid of letters and religion. Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Chase, members of Congress, and Mr. Carrol, who was of the Roman Catholic persuasion, proceeded to Canada, with the design of gaining over the people; having authority to promise them admission to the union of the colonies, upon equal terms, with the full enjoyment of their liberty, and ecclesiastical property. Such was the diligence exerted, that, in despite of the season, the first reinforcements reached the American army, before Quebec, on the eleventh of April, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.

Notwithstanding these exertions of the United States, their interest in Canada had daily declined, from the fall of Montgomery. The unsuccessful

* January 8th, 1776.

assault on Quebec, had dispirited the friendly Canadians, and Indians. The small pox, which had been communicated to the army by a woman who had been sent, voluntarily or compulsorily, from the city, so disabled the troops, that, of three thousand men, nine hundred only were fit for duty. The affections of the people were aliened by the misconduct of the continental soldiery, which, in many instances, officered by men from obscure life, without education, or morals, abandoned themselves to plunder, and other crimes, not more disgraceful to themselves than injurious to the cause they were sent to support. And, finally, the early opening of the St. Lawrence, and the arrival of the British succours, compelled the Americans to commence their retreat, very early in the month of May,* with so much precipitation, as to leave their artillery, military stores, and some of their sick, behind. To the last, as well as to such stragglers as were apprehended, or came in, the humanity of General Carlton was exemplary; and more adapted to injure the American cause, than the cruelty of other British commanders. He dismissed his prisoners, after liberally supplying their wants, with the recommendation, "to go home, mind their farms, and keep themselves and their neighbours from all participation in the unhappy war.'

A disastrous retreat was pursued, during which, General Thomas, the chief in command, fell a victim to the small pox. On his death, the direction of the army devolved, first on General Arnold, and afterwards on General Sullivan. Brigadier-general Thompson made an unsuccessful attempt on the British post at Trois Rivieres, in which he was made prisoner, though little other loss was sustained. On the first of July, the whole army reached Crown Point, where the first stand was made. The retreat was rendered more painful, by the reproaches of those Canadians, who had united with the invaders, and who were about to be abandoned to the penalties of unsuccessful insurrection, and by the plunder of the merchants of Montreal, by the avaricious and profligate Arnold.

II. Notwithstanding the universal resistance, in America, to the measures of the ministry, the Parliament and people of Great Britain, could not be made to believe, that it would be maintained against a determined spirit on the part of the government, and a few thousand troops to aid the established authorities. This erroneous opinion was confirmed by the royal officers, who were, probably, themselves deceived by their wishes. The military operations, therefore, of the year 1775, were adopted, more to strengthen the civil authority, than to support a contest for empire. But the battles of Lexington, Breed's Hill, and the measures subsequently adopted by Congress, awakened the nation from this delusive dream, and produced an earnest resolution, at all hazards, to establish its supremacy over the colonies. The speech from the throne, on the opening of the Parliament, twentyfourth October, 1775, declared, that his Majesty's subjects, in America, "meant, only, to amuse, by vague expressions of attachment to the parent state, while they were preparing for a general revolt;" "that the rebellious war, now levied by them, was become more general, and, manifestly, carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire; and that it was become the part of wisdom, and in its effects, of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the most decisive exertions." The sentiments of the speech were echoed in the addresses of both Houses of Parliament, but not without a spirited protest in the Lords. Nineteen dissenting members declared the approaching war to be "unjust and impolitic in its principles, and fatal in its consequences," and that they could not approve an address "which might deceive his Majesty and the public, into a belief of

* On the 4th.