the Senior Wrangler, who has since become Smith's Prizeman, and who, because he has a conscience, is unable to avail himself of the prizes which are invariably offered by his University to those who secure his position. What the Dissenters desire, are terms of equality, and it is with these terms alone that they will be satisfied. The fountain is large enough both for those who are now receiving from it and those who desire to receive; it is large enough for the whole nation. . . . University Tests once abolished, and a fair Burials Bill agreed to, the House will have disposed of the two last of a number of measures which used to be spoken of as 'Dissenters' grievances.' As matters stand, a Nonconformist, who is also a Master of Arts, is prevented from voting for a Member of Parliament for his own University-the only case, I believe, in which religious opinion is still a barrier to the exercise of the franchise in this country.

On the proposed amendment of the Licensing Laws, Mr. Morley spoke vigorously, and urged the Government to deal with the question with a bold hand, and place some restriction on the extension of public-houses, by giving to the inhabitants of a district a power of veto upon the granting of new licenses-some large and courageous measure not too much in advance of public opinion to endanger its acceptance by the House.

Perhaps there were few Members of Parliament who felt more strongly than Mr. Morley the urgent need for the introduction of the Ballot. Referring to the proposed legislation on the subject, he said:

There will be wide-spread satisfaction at the mention, for the first time in a speech from the Throne, of the Ballot Bill, and if I may presume to offer advice to the Government, it will be to let the Bill be one which will really secure secret voting. No other measure will satisfy the country, or accomplish-what is so much desired-the securing to every voter, however humble, an opportunity of voting in accordance with his convictions. No other measure, again, will put a stop to the practice of can

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vassing, and to those scenes on the day of election which have made our electoral system a scandal and a reproach.

Even so far off as 1871, there was one subject on which Mr. Morley felt strongly, and the days were coming when the feeling would grow still strongerthe terrible waste of time in parliamentary discussion. He concluded his speech with a reference to this:

Desiring, as I do earnestly, to see all these measures carried, I venture, young though I be in parliamentary experience, to suggest that in order to accomplish the work we must husband our time. I vie with the most earnest Member of the extremest section, in my desire to see measures passed to reform abuses, and to remove hindrances that impede the material and social progress of the people; but it is clear that to pass more Bills in the same space of time, we must discover some method of using our time more economically, and with larger practical results. In saying this, I know that I am trenching upon ground which, as a young Member, I have no right to occupy; but I belong to the large class of what may be called comparatively silent Members, who have opportunities of listening at times to what appear rather profitless discussions, and who, accordingly, are anxious that arrangements may be made, while there is yet time, to facilitate the passing, if not of the whole, at least of the greater portion of the promised measures.

Mr. Morley's speech-characterized in the press as that of " a sound political thinker and an experienced man of business "-was eminently successful, and repeatedly called forth cheers from both sides of the House. Mr. Disraeli, who followed, made frequent allusion to it in his review of the state of affairs, and especially approved of Mr. Morley's remarks on religious equality.

CHAPTER XVIII.

1871-1876.

Trade Questions-Mat-making in Prisons-Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister-University Tests Bill-Burials Bill-Letter from Archdeacon Allen -Strikes and Lock-outs-The National Agricultural Labourers' UnionThe Lock-out in Lincolnshire-Farmers' Defence Association-The Agricultural Labourer "a Commodity "-Letter to the Daily News-Boards of Conciliation-Cottage Accommodation-Letters from Sir W. V. Harcourt, the Bishop of Manchester, and Lord Shaftesbury-Death of Dr. Binney— Funeral-Letter to his Second Daughter-Completion of the Memorial Hall in Farringdon Street-Presentation of Portrait The Holyoake Testimonial Fund-Tory Calumniators-Warnings and EncouragementsRetires from London School Board.

ALTHOUGH Mr. Morley, in his speech seconding the address to the Crown on the opening of the Session in 1871, described himself as "a silent Member," his voice was nevertheless very frequently heard in the councils of the nation. Upon all questions of trade, he was regarded, on both sides of the House, as an authority, and there were few Members upon whom greater demands were made from all quarters, and on all trade subjects, than on him. Thoroughness characterized everything he undertook, and it is only by a careful examination of his correspondence that an estimate can be formed of the pains with which he investigated every subject for which his help was solicited. For example, he would not ask a question

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in the House until he had ascertained all available facts in connection with it. Thus, in 1871, there was dissatisfaction loudly expressed in many quarters at the manufacture of mats as a part of prison labour. Several of the Metropolitan prisons were selling their mats at prices less than that for which the manufacturers could produce them, and it was felt to be an injustice that the manufacture of mats and matting, which gave employment to about 3,000 honest workmen, should be monopolized by 2,000 prison rogues. Mr. Morley was urged to ask a question on this subject in the House. He would not, however, take any action in the matter until he had written to many of the governors of the chief prisons in the country for exact information as to the number of prisoners employed in mat-making, and had placed himself in communication with the Howard Association, which was instituted to promote the best methods of prison discipline, penal treatment, and crime prevention. The result was, that the Mat-weavers' Association, and others who had solicited his aid, obtained what they sought for—namely, the cessation of the selling, under cost price, the produce of convict labour.

It was not as a speaker in the House of Commons. that Mr. Morley's greatest influence was felt, although he took infinite pains to acquaint himself with the bearings of every subject upon which he spoke. It was because his character commanded the respect of all, and because his influence was

felt to be a force not in the House only, but in the country, that whenever he spoke he was listened to with attention and respect. It was known, too, that though on many questions he represented the sentiments of intolerant people, he himself would be tolerant. When, in the early part of Mr. Gladstone's first Administration, many subjects were discussed in Parliament of vital interest to Nonconformists, there was not, on any one occasion, a word spoken in the House of Commons by Mr. Morley that could give offence; for, while faithful to his own special views, he would not assert them in a way that should give pain to those who differed from him. He sought, moreover, on every question in which the working classes were concerned, to represent faithfully their opinions.

Thus, on February 15, 1871, in the debate on the second reading of Mr. Chambers's Bill for legalising Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister, he said :

He was quite in a position to state, from his knowledge of the working classes, that, in consequence of the restriction imposed by the existing law, concubinage was extending amongst them, and that they were losing their regard for the sacredness of the law of marriage. Some mode of settling the question should be discovered, for the present law led to bad results. The ecclesiastical authorities had given up the Bible argument against the proposed change. A large number of bishops, the clergy of the Established Church, the Roman hierarchy, and the Jewish Rabbis had given expression to their conviction that these marriages were not contrary to the law of God, and it was a fact that they were sanctioned in every country in the world except Great Britain, and two or three of the Colonies. The House of Commons had repeatedly passed the Bill, and he trusted it would now give its usual imprimatur in favour of an altera