opinions? Of what does it complain? A possible temporary enhancement in the objects of consumption. Of what do we complain? A total incapacity, produced by the foreign policy, to purchase, at any price, necessary foreign objects of consumption. Io such an alternative, inconvenient only to it, ruinous to us, can we expect too much from Southern magnanimity ?

The just and confident expectation of the passage of this bill has flooded the country with recent importations of foreign fabrics. If it should not pass, they will complete the work of destruction of our domestic industry. If it should pass, they will prevent any considerable rise in the price of foreign commodities, until our own industry shall be able to supply competent substitutes.

To the friends of the tariff, I would also anxiously appeal. Every arrangement of its provisions does not suit each of you; you desire some further alterations; you would make it perfect. You want what you will never get. Nothing human is perfect. And I have seen, with great surprise, a piece signed by a member of Congress, published in the National Intelligencer, stating that this bill must be rejected, and a judicious tariff brought in as its substitute. A judicious tariff! No member of Congress could have signed that piece; or, if he did, the public ought not to be deceived. If this bill do not pass, unquestionably no other can pass at this session, or probably during this Congress. And who will go home and say that he rejected all the benefits of this bill because molasses has been subjected to the enormous additional duty of five cents per gallon? I call, therefore, upon the friends of the American policy, to yield somewhat of their own peculiar wishes, and not to reject the practicable in the idle pursuit after the unattainable. Let us imitate the illustrious example of the framers of the Constitution, and, always remembering that whatever springs from man partakes of his imperfections, depend upon experience to suggest, in future, the necessary amendments.

We have had great difficulties to encounter. 1. The splendid talents which are arrayed in this House against us. 2. We are opposed by the rich and powerful in the land. 3. The Executive government, if any, affords us but a cold and equivocal support. 4. The importing and navigating interests, I verily believe from misconception, are adverse to us. 5. The British factors and the British influence are inimical to our success. 6. Long established habits and prejudices oppose us. 7. The reviewers and literary speculators, foreign and domestic. And, lastly, the leading presses of the country, including the influence of that which is established in this city, and sustained by the public purse.

From some of these, or other causes, the bill may be postponed, thwarted, defeated. But the cause is the cause of the country, and it must and will prevail. It is founded in the interests and affections of the people. It is as native as the granite deeply imbosomed in our mountains. And, in conclusion, I would pray God, in His infinite mercy, to avert from our country the evils which are impending over it, and, by enlightening our councils, to conduct us into that path which leads to riches, to greatness, to glory.

VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.

MR. GILES'S SPEECH,

DELIVERED IN THE

HOUSE OF DELEGATES, FEBRUARY 21, 1827.

Substance of the remarks made by MR. GILES, upon the report of the Committee of Enquiry-corrected, and improved from the newspaper version. Gen. TAYLOR having, from the commencement of the discussion of this subject, sounded the tocsin of alarm, in the most frightful terms, his rich imagination could invent, Mr. G. introduced his remarks in allusion to that topic:

MR. SPEAKER.-Permit me to congratulate you, sir, and this honorable house, upon the discovery, that the tocsin, should have been, so recently, sounded in vain within these walls. That war's portentous alarms, have already passed away; and that we find ourselves, still in peace, and tranquillity, commencing the consideration of the report of the committee of enquiry, upon the all important subject, of the relative rights of the general and state governments. I propose, to avail myself of this state of security, whilst engaged in expressing my opinions, respecting these relative rights, fully to discharge the responsible duty imposed upon myself in calling for this enquiry; undeterred, by threats, and war's alarms from any quarter. Nor could I condescend, to yield to these extraneous influences, were I now engaged in devising operative constitutional means. for securing the rights of this state, against the usurpations of the general government. This is not my present duty; were it so, I should enter into it, with pleasure, and alacrity. My present duty, I conceive, consists, in a full, and free disclosure of the principal considerations, which have urged me, most earnestly to call the attention of this house, to this deeply interesting subject.—In the first place; I conceive, the objects involved in the enquiry, are of the very. first impression. I conceive; they involve the questions, whether the general government is hereafter to be administered, upon the great principle of human rights, as developed, and proclaimed by our forefathers, in our written constitutions, or upon the old, despotic doctrines of European monarchies? Whether an undefined, unlimited, consolidated government, is to be substituted for a limited, federative, one? and whether, the whole mass of the productions of the labor of socie-ty, belongs to the government in its corporate character, to be distri-. buted, at its pleasure; or whether each portion thereof, belongs to the individual laborer, who produced it, to be disposed of at his pleasure? Or, in other words: Whether private property, is a natural right, or a governmental donation? Surely these questions, or either of them, will be admitted by all, to be of sufficient magnitude, to attract the whole attention of this house, and to put into requisition, the whole

energies of its best mental powers.—And, sir, whilst I now solemnly invoke the whole talents of the house, upon this deeply interesting occasion, it affords me perfect consolation to believe, if brought to act, in a pure philosophical spirit of enquiry after truth, they will be found amply competent to a perfect developement of all the great fundamental principles, now sought to be investigated. It was from this firm conviction, that I expressed the wish upon the first introduction of this subject, that the enquiry should be the enquiry of the whole house, and of each individual member of it. That each individual member should make the case his own, Least of all, did I wish it, to be considered as exclusively my own; and, Mr. Speaker, can I wish in vain for this most desirable course of investigation? Have we not all an equal, and common interest in the objects of it? Then, why should not each of us exert the best efforts of his own mind, in contributing his due share of reflections, to conduct us to just, and true results? Let us then, sir, nobly banish all first impressions: Let us forget all party politics; all personal, and local prejudices, and with reciprocal confidence, like a band of brothers, united in interests, united in objects, united in affections, march directly on, in one solid phalanx, to the ascertainment of the truth, An enquiry, conducted, under the potent influence of this benign, and liberal spirit, upon subjects involving the deepest interests of ourselves, of the whole American people, of our posterity, and of the whole buman race, could not fail of the happiest, and most complete success. Į pledge myself, sir, so far as I may be engaged in the discussion, to be influenced, solely, by a calm, and philosophical enquiry after truth; and I shall not disguise the fact; that I have brought the best efforts of my mind, to bear their whole force upon this investigation.-Indeed, upon a subject, so momentous, I should deem myself wanting, in due Despect to this house, and in justice to myself, were I to hazard any inconsiderate views of it; or in fact, any thing short of the best developements of my mind; resulting from the most mature, and profound reflections and deliberations.-Yes! Mr. Speaker, I candidly confess, that if 1 should be mistaken in the views of the subject, I shall now proceed to present to the house, the mistake will have arisen from the want of capacity to comprehend the just, and right views of it; and not from the want, of the most attentive examination, reflection; and deliberation.

But, before I enter upon this discussion, I beg leave to premise; that I shall confine my remarks, principally, to the subject of the tariff'; be, cause that branch of the investigation, is peculiarly urgent, Whilst, I conceive, it founded in the grossest violation of morals, of principles and of policy, it is daily, and hourly, operating to our impoverishment; whereas the power claimed to make internal improvements upon the grand original scale, is certainly for the present, impeded in its operations; and time for reflection to a deluded people, must consequently be afforded. The power to make internal improvements, can never be exercised, as a complete, still less, as an exclusive power, by the general government-because, its exercise, necessarily involves complete unqualified jurisdiction over territory. This is consolidation in its essence-I verily believe, there is not one state in the Union, which would surrender this power to the general government, if that distinct ques tion, were brought directly to its consideration. I therefore, conceive,

the attempt at this usurpation, has nearly reached its ultimatum. Its impracticability appears to be already developed. Besides, the profligate expenditures of the general government, and the crippled condition of the revenue, arising from the excesses to which a blind, unprincipled avarice, has driven up the tariff, have, at least for the present, deprived the general government of the means of making extensive appropriations, for internal improvements. I shall, therefore, let this branch of the subject rest for the present; and devote my undivided attention, to the examination of the tariff. To its doctrines,-principles, it has none. To its policy-this branch of the subject, imperiously calls for more animadversions, than could be comprehended, within the limits of a single speech. I shall first premise, however, that the claims of the powers to make internal improvements, and to protect manufactures, are twin usurpations. They were begotten together; and the one, was made dependent on the other—a high tariff was found indispensably necessary in the first instance, to raise ample funds for splendid, internal improvements-and the waste of the public treasure, in expenditures for schemes for internal improvements afforded a pretext for laying the enormous tariff; and will be used for keeping it up, when all legitimate objects for this excessive, and unprincipled tax upon the people shall cease. But the avarice of the favored manufacturing class, blind and insatiable, has already driven up the tariff, in many respects, to a prohibitory standard. Importations have consequently become lessened, and the revenue crippled. Internal improvements, upon the original, grand, glittering, fascinating plan, must, in consequence of this unexpected miscalculation and mishap, stand still for the present. All the visionary delusions resulting from the enchanting promises to beautify the whole country, must now have patience; and look with deep anxiety to the fatal destinies awaiting the tariff-not only its unexpected practical effects in crippling the revenue; but its still more destructive, and unexpected political effects, in dissolving the union of these states. Yes, sir, disguise it as you may-conceal it if you can—the essence of the tariff, is disunion-disunion in sectional interests-in individual occupations-A war of all the discordant elements, of the different occupations in society, urged on, by individual cupidity, and grounded upon incessant efforts of reciprocal plunder-cunning, being substituted for principle. You need not look, sir, for this disunion, in any collateral causes whatever. It must inevitably result from the inherent, intrinsic viciousness of the measure itself-It is founded in immorality; it violates the sacred right of private property. There is no cure for vices like these. Before entering into an examination of the true character of the tariff in detail, I beg leave to present to the House, a brief view of its origin, and progress, until its arrival at its present bold, and unqualified avowal of direct usurpation. The notion of discrimating duties, seems to have been coeval with the first attempt to carry into effect the specified power to lay and collect "imposts." But it was then professed to be bottomed exclusively upon the power to raise revenue; the proceeds of which, were to be applied to the effectuation of the objects, specifically enumerated in the constitution; and it was limited in practice, to a few articles of the first necessity. At that day, it had never, as I believe, entered into the imagination of any man,

that Congress possessed the power of protecting manufactures, as au original, distinct, substantive power. The policy of discriminating duties, as a means of raising revenue, was subsequently extended to other articles of domestic manufactures, without sufficiently exciting the attention of the other occupations of society, who furnished this protection, until the watchful cupidity of the whole manufacturing class, not only urged its extension to a protection, of every domestic manufactured article, but increased that protection on many, to a shameful, and intolerable amount. This was not done, however, until the public mind had been prepared for it, by periodical and other publications, circulated with incessant vigilance, and perseverance; and in 1824, for the first time, according to my recollection, the unprincipled, and daring pretensions was set up, to an unqualified power to protect manufactures, without regard to raising revenue. And when one of its contemplated effects would be, to lessen the revenue. This was the express avowal of the chairman of the committee who reported the bill, at the time of its introduction, in the early part of the session of Congress. But before the final passage of the bill, this language was changed; and it was then declared, to be a bill for raising revenue; although no revenue had been called for by the treasury department, nor was it even pretended that any revenue was wanted. Here too, is seen, an unexampled singularity in the adoption of this most extraordinary measure, to get at a favorite object, utterly regardless of principle or precedent. The representatives of the people imposing a tax upon their constituents, estimated, variously by individual members, at from three to seven millions of dollars-without a demand from the treasury department-without the semblance of an official estimate-and without any revenue object whatever; but for an object, which has inverted the great principle, adopted for the preservation of American liberty-that property is the gift of God; and not the gift of government; and thus, bringing about a complete revolution in the fundamental laws of the United States.

In searching for the doctrines, in an embodied, tangible form, which had been brought forth to justify this most unwise, unjust, unequal, and impolitic measure, I have been referred, by its friends, to Mr. Clay's speech upon the tariff bill of 1824, in the House of Representatives. This speech is relied upon by the tariff schemers, as containing its whole doctrine, both constitutional, and politic. I have always consid ered this, as one of Mr. Clay's principal prize speeches, for the Presidency; and expected to find its characteristics corresponding with the sublime prize at stake-a dazzling, fascinating prize! and surely to be won, by the successful destinies of a splendid, glittering speech!! It ac cordingly appears; that Mr. C's mind had become wrought up to such a state of indescribable excitement upon the dazzling occasion, that he had put his whole energies into requisition for the grand purpose of realizing the enchanting, delusive hope. So much were Mr. Clay's mental anxieties, and efforts, excited upon the dazzling occasion; that Mr. Clay most humbly prostrated himself before the throne of divine grace, with the most anxious, and fervent orisons, to the "Most High;" that He would graciously be pleased, to purify, and sublimate Mr. Clay, with the aid of divine inspiration, to enable him to succeed in the grand,