But seeing that my resistance should rather stir the magistrates against you than establish you in quietness, the counsel of all godly, as also the testimony of my own conscience, is that less offence it is to bear this one thing (with dolour of your hearts, daily calling unto God for reformation of the same), than to provoke the magistrates to displeasure, seeing that in principals we all agree. This for your order, which ye shall not alter nor change until ye be especially commanded by such as have authority."

Such was the moderate course which Knox advised his former flock at Berwick to follow, when the moment should arrive which they all wished to be deferred as long as possible. And he sent them this advice, it will be noticed, as "the counsel of all godly." He had brought the subject beforehand, we hence gather, under the notice of his pious friends in London, as soon as he had become aware that the Prayer-book was to be introduced into the northern counties. For it will be remembered that at the meeting of Council on October 20th, one of the items of business set down for consideration, in the same line with mention of Knox and the Archbishop, was "The Book in the bishopric of Durham," and that we have also come upon traces of a desire on the part of the powerful Warden-General of the Borders, to see the same conformity enforced in the northern province as in the rest of the Kingdom. The course of duty, therefore, in anticipation of the coming change, had to be well weighed, and we are now aware of what had been the result of these deliberations in Knox's own mind, and in the judgment of "all godly," the duty of present and provisional conformity, with unabated desires and prayers for future reformation of what was still amiss.

At what precise date the expected orders from the higher powers arrived, there is no record to show. But it must have been in the course of the spring of 1553, probably not till Knox himself had been removed from Newcastle to the south, which took place near Easter that year. We are now, then, fully in presence of the very remarkable fact that, for four years after the issue of the First Prayer-book of Edward VI.-i.e., from 1549 to 1553 -the border counties of England were exempted from the obligation of conformity to the authorized liturgy of the National Church, and that the Puritan forms of worship and sacramental administration were in use in several, at least, of their most important parish churches. John Knox preached and prayed

and dispensed the Sacraments during all these years, entirely according to his own views of Scripture warrant and prescription, not only statedly for two years in Berwick, and for two years more in Newcastle, but also occasionally in Carlisle, and in many other places of the two most northern counties. And he used this Puritan franchise not only with the full cognizance of the King and the Privy Council, but with their cordial recognition and support, manifested on more than one occasion, when the enemies of his ministry endeavoured to discredit him, and to bring his work among them to a close.

These facts are curious and important in the history both of the Anglican Church and of the Puritan party. They form the first chapter of the history of English Puritanism—a history which has now run on for upwards of three centuries-which has been most intimately interwoven at many points with the history and progress and development of the nation itself—and which has still, no doubt, many more chapters of history awaiting it in the nation's future. As an applied and embodied mode of religious thought and belief, it took its rise in England at its extreme northern boundary, and in the course of the next Protestant reign it spread itself from new centres in London and the two universities over the whole kingdom; and, most curious fact of all, it was a Scottish Reformer who was the father of Anglican as well as Scottish Puritanism, and who rocked its cradle.

M

CHAPTER V.

THE LAST YEAR OF KNOX'S WORK IN ENGLAND, 1553.

IN anticipation of Knox's return to Newcastle for a time, a letter was sent from the Privy Council on the 9th of December, 1552, to Lord Wharton, now Deputy Lord Warden of the Northern Borders, commending him to his favour and support.* In the course of that month he had returned to his important post, and we hear of him in the pulpit again on Christmas Day.

"It cometh to my mind," says he, in his Admonition to the professors of God's truth in England,† "upon Christmas Day, in the year of our Lord 1552, preaching in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and speaking against the obstinacy of the Papists, I made this affirmation, that whosoever in his heart was enemy to Christ's Gospel and doctrine, which then was preached within the realm of England, was enemy also to God, and secret traitor to the Crown and commonwealth of England. For as they thirsted nothing more than the King's death, which their iniquity would procure, so they regarded not who should reign over them so that their idolatry might be erected again. How these my words at that time pleased men, the crimes [accusations] and action intended against me did declare. Against me were written articles, and I compelled to answer, as unto an action of treason. But let my very enemies now say, from their conscience, if those my words are not proved true."

In the absence of any record of the proceedings immediately commenced against Knox by Sir Robert Brandling, it is fortunate that a long letter of the Duke of Northumberland upon the subject has been preserved, and was given to the world by the late Mr. Tytler. It is addressed to Cecil, and runs thus :

*

Strype's "Memorials of Cranmer, book ii. cap. 33.

"Knox's Works," vol. iii. p. 297.

Tytler's "England under the Reigns of Edward and Mary," vol. ii. p. 158.

"After my right hearty commendations herewith I do return unto you, as well Mr. Morrison's letters as also the Lord Wharton's, and do also send with the same such letters as I have received from the said Lord Wharton, of the 2nd and 3rd of this instant, with also one letter from poor Knox, by the which you may perceive what perplexity the poor soul remaineth in at this present; the which, in my poor opinion, should not do amiss to be remembered to the rest of my Lords, that some order might be taken by their wisdom for his recomfort. And as I would not wish his abode should be of great continuance in those parts, but to come and to go as shall please the King's Majesty and my Lords to appoint him, so do I think it very expedient that his Highness's pleasure should be known as well to the Lord Wharton as to those of Newcastle, that his Highness hath the poor man and his doings in gracious favour; otherwise some hindrance in the matters of religion may rise and grow among the people, being inclined of nature to great inconstancy and mutations. And the rather do I think this meet to be done, for that it seemeth to me that the Lord Wharton himself is not altogether without suspicion how the said Knox's doings hath been here taken; wherefore I pray you that something may be done wherby the King's Majesty's pleasure to my Lords may be indelayedly certified to the said Lord Wharton, of the King's Majesty's good contentation towards the poor man and his proceedings, with commandment that no man shall be so hardy to vex him or trouble him for setting forth the King's Majesty's most godly proceedings, or [what he] hereafter by his Majesty's commandment shall do ; for that his Majesty mindeth to employ the man and his talent from time to time, in those parts and elsewhere, as shall seem good to his Highness, for the edifying of his people in the fear of God. And that something might be written to the Mayor for his greedy accusation of the poor man, wherein he hath, in my poor opinion, uttered his malicious stomach towards the King's proceedings, if he might see a time to serve his purpose, as knoweth God, to whose infinite goodness let us pray that all things may prosper to his glory, and to the honour and surety of the King's Majesty. "From Chelsey, this 9th of January, 1552-3.

"Your assured loving friend,

"NORTHUMBERLAND."

The powerful statesman had been as good as his word to Cecil a

month before-that he would still wish the zealous preacher well, though as a patron he would have nothing more to do with seeking his promotion. He proved himself his well-wisher in this emergency, to good purpose. Instructions were sent down to Wharton and the Council of the North. The storm passed away as quickly as it had gathered, and the sky once more was clear. Sir Robert Brandling, the "greedy accuser," was baulked of his revenge; Lord Wharton was made to understand how highly the King and Council approved of Knox's proceedings, and that it was his duty as Warden General to protect the preacher from all who, like Brandling, had “a malicious stomach" towards the King's godly proceedings, and Knox was left at leisure to proceed without molestation in the work of his ministry and pastoral care.

Of this pastoral care it was now a constant and considerable part to keep up his religious correspondence with Mrs. Bowes.

"At Newcastle, in great haste, the 26th of February, 1553," he closes a letter with the following paragraph, which preserves the memory of a personal peculiarity of manner which was characteristic of him, besides other particulars not without interest :

"After the writing of these preceding, your brother and mine, Harie Wickleif,* did advertise me by writing that your adversary took occasion to trouble you, because that I did start back from you rehearsing your infirmities. I remember myself so to have done, and that is my common consuetude when anything pearceth or toucheth my heart. Call to your mind what I did standing at the cupboard in Alnwick. In very deed I thought that no creature had been tempted as I was; and when that I heard proceed from your mouth the very same words that he troubles me with, I did wonder, and fra my heart lament your sair trouble, knawing in myself the dolour thereof. And na other thing, dear sister, meant I, and therefore think not that I either flatter you, or yet that I conceal anything fra you; na, for if I had been sa minded, I had not been sa plain in other cases. My other great

*This Harie Wickleif would seem to have been the brother-in-law of Mrs. Bowes, married to her only sister, joint heiress with herself of their father, Sir Richard Aske, of Aske, near Richmond. There had been frequent marriages between the Askes, Wickleiffs, and Bowes', owing to the contiguity of their estates on either side of the Tees; so that Knox's connection by marriage with the house of Bowes linked him also to that of the Wickliffes of Wickliffe, the family of the illustrious English Reformer of the 14th century.