CHAPTER IX.

THE ALGERINE LAWS.

Ar an adjourned session of the General Assembly, March 30th, Mr. Atwell brought in a Bill on his own responsibility, proposing to submit the People's Constitution to the same body who had voted on the Landholders' if adopted, it might become the law of the land. If rejected, the matter ended. He thought it would heal all difficulties. The State had been divided on the important question, whether the sovereignty was in the people, or in the Legislature. The Assembly were asked to submit this Constitution to the people. It was a mere request to the people to vote for, or against, a Constitution. This very Assembly, chosen by the Freemen, had authorised a Constitution to be put forth, by a body of men as large again, perhaps, as the Freemen. They were only asked to do the same thing again.

Mr. Randolph objected to the Bill, on the ground that the sovereignty existed in the Freemen, and not in the people at large; that those were the legal people; and no act could be legal or justifiable, unless sanctioned by them. He thought it would be an imposition to submit this Constitution to the people.

What can be understood by this, but that the legality of any measure depended upon THE WILL of the General Assembly, and nothing else? That body had all necessary power to qualify others than freeholders, to vote on their own Constitution; but they had no power to provide that the same persons should vote on the People's Constitution. Where was the foundation of power in the one case, and want of it in the other? In the omnipotent WILL of the Legislature. Mr. Atwell's bill was lost by a majority of fifty-nine to Three.

Mr. Mathewson introduced a resolution, reciting the events connected with the two-fold expression of the popular will, and proposing that a committee be raised, and instructed "to report to this Assembly, a statement of all the important facts connected with the formation and rejection of said Constitution; and to report their opinion, whether any legislation is necessary on the subject; and, if any, what.” The resolution passed unanimously.

Thursday morning, March 31, Mr. Atwell asked leave to withdraw the resolutions of yesterday, and submit the following. "Whereas, a joint committee has been appointed by this General Assembly, at the present session, among other things, instructed to report to this General Assembly, a statement of all the important facts connected with the formation and rejection of the Constitution, lately rejected by the people of this State, in order that the people may be accurately informed, as far as practicable, of the facts which led to its rejection; and, whereas, it is equally important that the people of this State should know, as far as practicable, the whole truth in the premises, and should be informed as to the various means used to secure its adoption, as well as rejection; whereupon,

Resolved, That said Committee be further instructed, to inquire, and to report to this General Assembly, what improper means were used, (if any,) to influence the people of this State in voting for, or against said Constitution, with power to send for persons or papers.

This resolution was laid on the table for the consideration of the Speaker on a point of order. On being called up again, the Speaker decided against it, as being the same as that of Mr. Mathewson. The motion was lost by a majority of 59 to 7.

April 1, Mr. Barber from the committee to whom was referred the joint resolution requiring all the facts relating to the rejec

tion of the late Constitution, and to enquire what legislation is now necessary, reported,

That those opposed to that Constitution, had falsely represented this government to be an aristocracy, while in fact it was a democracy. That a portion of the state was dissatisfied with the inequality of representation.

That the Assembly had ever shown a disposition to encourage the formation of a Constitution. It recited the attempts of Mr. Pearce and Mr. Dorr, at different times, to extend suffrage. It further gave an historical account of the action of the Assembly for a long period, in relation to a Constitution, and particularly in relation to the petitions, debates, and legislation in reference to the last Constitution.

It characterised the movements of the Suffrage Party, as revolutionary and illegal, and in disregard of the fundamental laws of the State, for 200 years, requiring a freehold to vote.

The People's Constitution was formed by a minority of the people, only 7,000. The unlawful convention acted without law and against law. They formed and voted for their Constitution illegally, and illegally declared it to be the supreme law.

The legal convention in a proper manner put forth their Constitution to the people.

The history of the subsequent debates and resolutions of the assembly were then recited, and the various propositions of Mr. Atwell, were adverted to.

The People's Constitution was considered merely as indicating the wishes of the people for an extension of suffrage.

It was expected that the people would have received the Constitution in the same spirit in which it was offered. But misrepresentations were used to defeat that Constitution.

It commented in severe terms on the motives of the Suffrage men, and characterised them as deluded men,

The report was very lengthy, and closed by directing a proclamation to be issued, and that the report and proclamation be published in all the papers.

The Committee, it was evident, had only reported the facts which led to votes against it, and stated nothing of efforts made for it. They did not state the plain reasons that operated against it. They did not give the greatest of all objections, that it placed the power in the hands of the MINORITY, and that the extension of Suffrage was deceptive. They said nothing of the fact, that the people were told that they would not have the privilege of bearing arms under the People's Constitution-an argument that was

frequently and profitably used. They said nothing of the great number of Petitions, and the action in relation to Suffrage.

Hazard's insulting Report, in which 2000 Memorialists, who announced themselves as permanent residents of the State, were designated as "aliens," as "loose and floating population," and thus stigmatised as liars, was probably one of the conciliatory measures of the General Assembly. What must the severity of that august body be, if such are its conciliatory measures; or what could the people expect from them, whose tender mercies are cruel?

Mr. Randolph said; "that Report was able, and silenced the agitation for an extension of Suffrage. That Report was made soon after the Convention had decided, with only 7 votes in opposition, that there should be no extension of Suffrage."

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What a precious confession was that! and yet, what schoolboy would have been so weak as to make it? And that, too, in connection with the debate on the Report of the Enquiring Committee. By it Mr. Randolph gave the lie to the Committee who prepared the Report to the Assembly who adopted it, he assumed the lie himself! The Committee said the measures of the Assembly had been conciliatory. The Assembly adopted that assertion; yet the honorable gentleman showed forth one of their chief measures, in the true Rhode Island Algerine spiritThe People's cries for RIGHT were SILENCED!!! An almost unanimous Convention had decided that there should be NO EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE!!!

The Committee never reported that all those Conventions were exclusive in their character. that from them the great body of the People were always cast out; that the People were neither admitted, nor REPRESENTED; that the Conventions never acted with regard to the RIGHT OF THE MAJORITY, but only

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in regard to the PRIVILEGES OF THE MINORITY! And such only has been the course of action of this State.

Strengthened in audacity by its own conscious omnipotence, falsehood had become a familiarly-worn and well fitting garment; the Government of Rhode Island stood above question, and beyond censure. It felt no obligations to be either just, or true, any farther than self-interest swayed. It called itself Republican. It told the people they were free; and it could no more be questioned for the falsehood that was incorporated into its character, than Bacchus might be called in question for drunkenness, or Jupiter for licentiousness! It contained within itself all the elements of despotism. It was none the better that it had many Favorites, instead of few. It was none the better that there were many Despots, instead of one. It was only worse; as a HYDRA is more hideous and abominable than a ONE-HEADED MONSTER! It stood forth to the world a Whited Sepulchrewithout, goodly and fair to look upon; but within was rottenness — the decaying elements of murdered Liberty!

In the afternoon, Mr. Keech, of Burrillville, offered a Bill providing for the repeal of the present election law; and that the next election of officers be holden according to the provisions of the People's Constitution.

Mr. Atwell hoped the Bill would be withdrawn; he did not think it the best means of quieting the State.

Mr. Keech said that the friends of the last Constitution put the question on the ground, that it was a choice between the two Constitutions, and he read resolutions passed in the city of Providence, by the friends of the Landholders' Constitution, setting forth that WE COULD NOT FALL BACK ON THE CHARTER, but that the question was, whether the Landholders'