PART II. should expofe himself ftill more to the infamous reproach with which he was already loaded by the Puritans, of countenancing the Irish rebellion. A. D. 1641. : THE Commons, however, who had projected farther innovations at home, took no fteps toward fuppreffing. the infurrection in Ireland, but such as also tended to give them the fuperiority in those commotions, which they forefaw would foon be excited in England. They levied money under colour of the Irish expedition, but referved it for enterprifes that concerned them more nearly they took arms from the king's magazines, under the fame pretext, but kept them with a secret intention of employing them against himself. Whatever law they deemed neceffary for their own aggrandisement, was voted under pretence of enabling them to recover Ireland; and if Charles with-held the royal affent, his refufal was imputed to thofe pernicious counfels, which had at first excited the popish conspiracy in that kingdom, and which ftill threathened total deftruction to the proteftant intereft throughout all his dominions 20. But fo great was the confidence of the people in those hypocritical zealots, whofe votes breathed nothing but death and deftruction to the rebels, that, although no forces were sent to Ireland, and very little money remitted during the deepeft diftress of the Proteftants, the fault was never imputed to the parliament ! THE Commons, in the meantime, were employed in framing that famous remonftrance, which was soon after followed by fuch extraordinary confequences. It was not, as ufual, addreffed to the king, but was a declared appeal to the people. Befides grofs falfehoods and malignant infinuations, it contained an enumeration 20. Clarendon, vol. ii. of V. of every unpopular measure, which Charles had em- LETTER braced, from the commencement of his reign to the 1 calling of the parliament that framed it, accompanied A. D. 1641. with many jealous prognoftics of future grievances : and the acrimony of the ftyle was equal to the harshnefs of the matter. A PERFORMANCE fo full of gall, and so obviously intended to excite general diffatisfaction, after the ample conceffions made by the crown, was not only regarded by all difcerning men, as a fignal for fome farther attacks upon the royal prerogative, but as a certain indication of the approaching abolition of monarchical government in England. The oppofition, which the remonftrance met with in the house of commons, was therefore very great. The debate in regard to it was warmly managed for above fourteen hours; and the vote, in its favour, was at laft carried only by a fmall majority, and feemingly in confequence of the weariness of the king's party, confifting chiefly of elderly men, many of whom had retired". It was not fent up to the house of peers. No fooner was the remonftrance of the commons published, than the king difperfed an answer to it. Senfible of the disadvantages under which he laboured in this conteft, Charles contented himself with observing, that, even during the period fo much complained of, the people had enjoyed not only a greater share of happinefs and profperity than was to be found in other countries, but perhaps in England during times esteem. ed the moft fortunate. He mentioned the great conceffions made by the crown, protefted his fincerity in the reformed religion, and blamed the infamous libels 21. Rushworth, vol. v. Nalson, vol. ii. Whitlocke, p. 49. Dugdale, p. 71. A.D. 1641 PART II. every where difperfed against his perfon, government, and the established church. "If, notwithstanding "these," added he, "any malignant party shall take "heart, and be willing to facrifice the peace and hap"piness of their country to their own finifter ends and "ambition, under whatever pretence of religion and "confcience; if they fhall endeavour to leffen my re"putation and intereft, and to weaken my lawful 66 power and authority; if they shall attempt, by dif"countenancing the prefent laws, to loofen the bands "of government, that disorder and confufion may "break in upon us; I doubt not but God, in his good ❝ time, will discover them to me, and that the wisdom "and courage of my high court of parliament will "join with me in their fuppreffion and punishment"." BUT the ears of the people were too much prejudic ed against the king to liften patiently to any thing that he could offer in his own vindication; so that the commons proceeded in their ufurpations upon the church and monarchy, and made their purpose of fubverting both every day more evident. During the king's refidence in Scotland, they had accused thirteen bishops of high treafon, for enacting canons without consent of parliament, though no other method had ever been practifed fince the foundation of the government; and they now infifted, that the peers, upon this general accufation, fhould fequefter those bishops from their feats in parliament, and commit them to prifon. But the majority of the peers, who plainly forefaw the depreflion of the nobility, as a necessary consequence of the farther encroachments of the commons, paid little regard to fuch an unreasonable request. Enraged at this, andTM other checks, the popular leaders openly told the lords, 22. Nalfon, vol. ii, That V. That they themselves were the reprefentative body of LETTER the whole kingdom, and that the peers were nothing but individuals, who held their feats in a particular A.D. 1641. capacity: and, therefore, "If their lordships will not "confent to the paffing of acts neceffary for the pre"fervation of the people, the commons, together with "fuch of the lords as are more fenfible of the danger, "must join together, and reprefent the matter to his "majefty 23." THIS was a plain avowal of those democratical principles that began now to be progagated among the people, and which had long prevailed in the house of commons, as well as a bold attempt to form a party among the lords. And the tide of popularity feized many of the peers, and carried them wide of all the eftablifhed maxims of civil policy. Of these the most confiderable were, the earls of Effex and Northumberland, and lord Kimbolton, afterward earl of Manchester; men who, fenfible that their credit ran high with the nation, rafhly ventured to encourage an enthusiastic fpirit, which they foon found they wanted power to regulate or controul. THE body of the nobility, however, ftill took fhelter under the throne; and the commons, in order to procure a majority in the upper house, had again recourfe to the populace. Amidft the greateft fecurity, they affected continual fears of deftruction to themselves and the nation2+: they even ordered halberts to be brought into the hall where they affembled; and thus armed themselves against those defperate confpiracies, with which they pretended they were hourly threatened, and the feigned difcoveries of which were induftri 23. Clarendon, vol. ii. 1641. 24. Journ. 16th and 30th of Nov. A.D. 1645. PART II. oufly propagated among the credulous people. Multitudes flocked to Weftminifter, and infulted the bifhops and fuch of the peers as adhered to the crown. The lords voted a declaration against these tumults, and fent it to the lower house, but the commons refused their concurrence; and to make farther known their pleasure, they ordered several feditious appren tices, who had been seized, and committed to prison, to be fet at liberty 25. THUS encouraged, the populace crowded about Whitehall, and infulted and threatened the king and the royal family. Such audacious behaviour roufed the young gentlemen of the Inns of Court; who, with fome reduced officers, undertook the defence of their fovereign; and between them and the populace paffed frequent fkirmishes, which feldom ended without bloodfhed. Thefe gentlemen, by way of reproach, gave the fanatical infulters of majefty the name of RoUNDHEADS, on account of the fhort cropt hair which they wore, while the rabble called their more polifhed opponents, by reafon of their being chiefly mounted on horfeback, CAVALIERS; names, which became famous during the civil war that followed, and which contributed not a little to inflame the animofity between the parties, during the prelude to that conteft, by affording the factious an opportunity to rendezvous under them, and fignalize their mutual hate; by the reproachful ideas that were affixed to them by each party, no less than by the political diftinctions which they marked. THE Cavaliers who affected a liberal way of thinking, as well as a gaiety and freedom of manners, inconfiftent with puritanical ideas, were represented by the Roundheads as a fet of abandoned profligates, 25. Nalson, vol. ii, 26. Id. ibid. equally |