By an act of parliament, passed in the 28th year of Henry VIII. cap. 15, and subsequently confirmed by other statutes, every incumbent, on his induction, is obliged to take an oath to the following effect :-' I do solemnly swear that I will teach, or cause to be taught, an English school within the vicarage or rectory of as the law in that case requires.'

Notwithstanding this solemn obligation, there are few or no such schools as the statutes contemplate; and the clergyman, adroitly enough, avoids the legal consequences, by pay ing forty shillings per annum to his clerk, or any person that may happen to keep a school in his parish. But, in most instances, even this precaution is not taken; and we can see no cause for attaching blame to the clergy; for, what would be the use of opening a school where there existed no Protestant scholars? and all others they are prohibited from teaching. The law, and not the church, is deserving of censure.

Old Watson, the bookseller, of Capel Street, Dublin, seeing, in 1792, that there had not been quite as many proselytes from Popery as a Protestant bigot wished, originated a society for discountenancing vice, and promoting the knowledge and practice of the Christian religion,' which was incorporated by act of parliament in 1800; since which time it received annual grants, and went on doing much mischief, and enriching one, at least, of its founders.

The education of poor Paddy was next taken into consideration by some religious fanatics, who associated in London, in 1806, under the cognomination of "The London Hibernian Society; and the commissioners have candidly stated, that, after examining a pair of witnesses, Messrs. Gordon and Pringle, they are convinced proselytism is the object of this society, The Baptist Society is stated to have the same object in contemplation; and their origin and labours are unworthy of particular observation.

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Society,' established in 1816; since which time it may be said to have kept the public mind in a state of unusual ferment; and, like all its predecessors, to have failed of its object. It has frequently been imputed to this society,' says the Report, that their real object is to make converts from the Roman Catholic to the Protestant religion. No fact has come to our knowledge that leads us to doubt their own repeated disclaimers of having any such intention.'t Yet, at page 56, we are told, by the same Report, that 427 of their schools were in conjunction with other societies, whose object, the commissioners say, is proselytism!!!The whole number of schools which owe the society any obligation was, in 1824, according to a very doubtful statement, 1,124; nearly one-half of which were proselyting nurseries. Now, either the society intended to make converts from the Catholic to the Protestant religion, or their conduct has been grossly negligent. We are astonished at the conclusion of the commissioners; for, even from the evidence they have given, we should have drawn a very different inference. Throughout that part of the Report devoted to this Society, there are many tacit proofs of conflict between the commissioners.

Statements of interested parties, highly injurious to the Catholic clergy, are given as facts; while, in the very next paragraph, we are told the whole was a mere hearsay. The writer, it would appear, laboured to criminate the priests, while some superintending authority cautioned him to be just. Such a supposition is necessary to explain the singular mixture of accusation and acquittal which we meet with; and, although there was not a shadow of direct evidence against a single Catholic priest, we meet in the Report, p. 57, the following observations:

We have stated instances, which we have heard, of clergymen proceeding to imprecate curses on the parents who should send their children to forbidden schools; such a practice, we hope, has been very rare. We have already stated that it is condemned, in the strongest terms, by the Roman

Catholic prelates whom we examined on the subject.'

Why condemn by implication, when there was no proof? Why hope such a practice is very rare, when there was no evidence of such a practice at all, particularly when theCatholic prelates disclaimed it? Alas! men cannot forget their prejudices, even in the discharge of a solemn duty: and Mr. Blake had neither the talents nor the firmness to control his colleagues.

The last education project was, that of empowering the lord-lieutenant to issue sums of money from the consolidated fund, in aid of various kinds of schools. Abuse soon crept in here; and the commissioners recommend a different application of the funds.

Thus we find that some millions of public money have been grossly misapplied; and Ireland affords another instance of the folly of legislators attempting to do for individuals what individuals would have done for themselves.

National schools must be supported either by the state, or the charitable donations of private persons. If by the first, corruption and inattention are sureto make a part of the system and, if by the second, we may expect to find the pupils-such as a virtuous man would never wish to see -juvenile slaves; for, how can that natural and necessary independence that seed of every virtuous action-be more effectually subdued, than by making the school-boy a pauper? Slaves may have exalted minds, but all mendicants are the same-degraded in their own estimation, and despicable in the eyes of mankind.

Unhappily there are occasions when both individuals and the state are called upon to protect and educate the friendless; but, fortunately, instances of this nature, though individually numerous, are comparatively small, when considered with reference to the bulk of society; and the great error lies in confounding poverty with pauperism-the children of living parents with the orphan. A wholesome discrimination should be made between those who are and are not able to pay while parents, in no instance, should be compelled, by the influence of their superiors, to send their children to charity schools.

VOL. I.-No. 5,

It is, in these times, nearly as necessary to learn to read as to learn to walk; and that which is so easily acquired, and so ruinous to want, will be procured by all without any assistance from the state or associations. Wherever these needlessly step in between the parent and his duty, they commit an outrage on human nature; and, while they degrade the child, they deprive his natural protector of future love and gratitude. Besides, the parent, being released from a pleasing charge and a wholesome responsibility, is indirectly encouraged to become thoughtless and imprudent; and those who know any thing of the poor must be aware that their earnings and expenditure are generally suited to each other; so that, if excused from the payment of a few pence weekly for the education of their children, they would uniformly spend it in the gin or whisky shop.

Still we are aware that in large towns, such is the profligacy and misfortune of many, thousands of children would remain untaught, unless there existed places for giving gratuitous instruction. Under such circumstances, we are far from depreciating their utility. On the contrary, we are persuaded that their existence should not be allowed to depend on the caprice of individual bounty, but derive support at once from the legislature; and, that they might be rendered efficient, every place of public worship should have an institution attached for the education of poor children, who profess the religion taught there. Such unhappy beings peculiarly require religious superintendence; and who so likely to bestow it as their respective clergy? The benefit to be derived from educating children of different religious creeds in one school is very problematical; and, most of all, where the scholars are poor. Respecting the country parts, these schools are seldom needed. The Hedge Schools, as they are erroneously called, are open to all; and those who are unable to pay are never excluded. Perhaps the method of instruction may not be the very best in the world; yet it must be admitted that the pupils are more healthy and active; are sooner taught the rudiments of knowledge, and always make more useful members of

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society than those who are brought up in the best-regulated charity schools in Ireland. The books* read there are certainly not by Mrs. Trimmer; neither are they like those used in English academies. They do not inculcate hatred or contempt of those who profess a different religion, like many school-books, published by Sir Richard Phillips, and others, in London. We are no advocates for immoral publications; and we speak with out the fear of contradiction when we say no place in the world is freer from such books than Ireland. The advocates for Bible-reading in school should show that its absence has been attended with bad consequence; that the Irish peasantry are more immoral than the English; and that crime has diminished since the establishment of scripture-reading schools. This they cannot show; for the records of the last fifty years declare to the contrary.

The commissioners admit that these schools exist in profuse abundance; that they are literally crowded with scholars; and that the utmost harmony prevails in them between Catholics and Protestants. Why then, we may ask, seek to destroy them? or, rather, why not adopt some method of making them more efficient? Erect school-houses for qualified teachers, and authorize the Catholic clergy to have a complete control over them. Let there be an annual bonus proportionate to the number of scholars, and the poor will obtain admission gratis, while the pay of the wealthier would be sufficient to secure the master's attention to the whole.

The commissioners seem to have been aware of the principles we have laid down; for they recommend that pupils, unless when particularly exempted, should PAY for their education. The principle is a good one;

but the other parts of their project are too complicated. They propose employing two teachers, a Protestant and a Catholic; and devoting a portion of two days in each week to religious instruction, under certain regulations, which they detail. We will not say that they have any but the best of motives; but, when we recollect that the government must desire to see Catholics Protestants, that local patrons will be over-zealous, and bigots obtrusive, we are not presumptive in giving it as our opinion that the plan is defective. In fact, the Report bears ample testimony to the discordant materials which compose the Irish community; and we need only refer to what has already happened to the Kildare Street Society, as a proof of what is likely to happen to any future society, even more liberally constituted. We are aware of the difficulty of the task imposed upon the commissioners; and we are quite sure that no plan of education will ever prove efficient until the people are put in possession of their rights. Expedients will never do; and the Catholics might justly say, 'Give us emancipation, and leave us to educate ourselves.' Until the people are put upon an equality, harmony can subsist neither in schools nor public institutions; and the designs of the government, however well intended, will be frustrated. It is a wretched expedient, therefore, to assume the care of the child, while you refuse justice to the father.

The Report, though partial in some instances, and defective in others, is, notwithstanding, calculated to disabuse the English mind of many impressions unfavourable to Catholicity. It bears testimony to the universality of education in Ireland; and very distinctly declares that the education afforded in Roman Catholic free schools is the best. It disapproves