If the case is at present bad enough, it surely would be much worse then ; for one-fourth of the people would not be employed on the adoption of the new system, which, according to a Scotchman,* requires only twentytwo labourers to every thousand acres. But these poor people, if disinherited, would not become day labourers; they would apply for farms elsewhere, and thus augment the prevalent cause of discontent. In the foregoing we have considered the subject in its most enlarged sense, and treated it as if every nobleman and man of property in Ireland had been a permanent absentee. This, however, is far from being the case; and we are quite confident that there are, comparatively, many more English than Irish land proprietors resident in London; consequently, if absenteeism were an evil, the peasantry of one country suffer more than the peasantry of the other; for they have precisely the same market for the disposal of their farm produce, and absenteeism affects the native of Tipperary no more than the native of Devonshire. The manufacturer is similarly situated; and we are at a loss to understand Sir Charles, who repeats the opinion of his lady, when he tells us there is no room for enterprise in Ireland. A variety of circumstances are in continual operation to keep a large number of the Irish gentry in England; but it is satisfactory to think that their absence from their native country is no longer an evil. Let the legislature abolish the odious distinctions which keep man from man, and remove the cause which poisons the social intercourse of life. In a word, let them give the people their rights, and Ireland will possess so many real advantages, that she probably will become the residence of many of those who now resort to the Continent from motives of economy. At all events, Irishmen of small fortunes will not then desert their country; and, if they do not serve to promote industry, they will add to the charms of society-a society perhaps more pleasing in consequence of the absence of those who, big with their own ridiculous importance, think themselves privileged to prescribe the kind of persons who shall pass the cordon of high life, or figure in the circles of the beau monde. The contents of the volume before us originally appeared in the New Monthly Magazine,' and are written in that style of energetic eloquence which characterizes all the productions of the Irish De Staël. The work bears ample testimony to her ladyship's love of country, her deep research and extensive reading, the playfulness of her fancy and dignified satire. But we cannot say that her views of absenteeism' are always correct. The preface, which introduces the volume, is written by Sir Charles Morgan; and concludes with the following just and candid observations, which must be our apology for not having made any extracts from her ladyship's work: 'In taking up the subject of absenteeism, the peculiar bent of Lady Morgan's mind, and the character of her habitual pursuits, have inevitably given a picturesque turn to her ideas, and induced her to view the matter less as an economist than as a poet and a woman. But the great truth has not escaped her, that absenteeism is less a cause than an effect: and while, in the romance of her imagination, she has the fostering protection of an enlightened delineated what Ireland might be under and liberal aristocracy, she has not forgotten that under existing circumstances it must remain for ever the blighted victim of an oppressive and ignorant bureau cratie.' We have known several of these Scotch stewarts in Ireland, and never knew one of them to succeed. Different soils require different modes of cultivation. T.SPRING RICE, ESQ.M.P. Engraved by Cooper, from a drawing by Comerford in the possession of Lady Theodosia Rice? Published by JRobins & C°London & Dublin. Aug 11825. MEMOIR OF THOMAS SPRING RICE, ESQ. M.P. Ir must be admitted, in point of equity at least, that Ireland is not fairly represented in the Imperial parliament. A hundred members are not a just proportion for seven millions of people, if the interests of fourteen millions require five hundred and fifty-eight. This becomes more apparent when we consider the circumstances of that country. Remote from the seat of government, distracted by factions, and discontented with the state of the laws; trade and agriculture only in their infancy; oppressed by monopolies, and burdened with a church, which the majority of the people disclaim;-the evils which spring from such a combination of misfortunes can only be effectually made known by the representatives of the people. It is impossible for those who want local knowledge to apply proper remedies; and perhaps this accounts, in a great measure, for 'the tardiness with which Irish grievances are redressed. Imperfect, how ever, as the Irish representation is, in regard to numbers, it is more imperfect, as far as political knowledge and honesty of principle are concerned. A vast proportion of the one hundred members are the mute supporters of every bad scheme for enriching themselves, or oppressing the people; and such of them as have talent enough to act even a subordinate part in the political arena of the country make use of their power and opportunities to disseminate national calumnies, suppress the growing appetite for truth, and perpetuate exclusion, by filling honest English minds with unfounded and religious prejudices. To this charge, however, there are some splendid exceptions; and none more conspicuous than the talented and patriotic statesman whose portrait* embellishes our present number. Thomas Spring Rice, Esq. is de scended from an opulent and highly respectable family, and was born at Limerick, in February, 1790. At eighteen years of age he was entered a fellow-commoner of Trinity College, Cambridge, where he soon gave indication of those splendid abilities which were one day to make him the ornament, not only of his native country, but of the British senate. In 1810, being the second year of his residence at college, he obtained Dr. Hooper's first prize for English oratory; and, in consequence, delivered a prize declamation in Trinity Chapel, in December, 1811. On this occasion he evinced his sound political and moral principles, by selecting for his subject Mr Fox's celebrated maxim, What is morally wrong can never be politically right.' In the same year he led to the hymeneal altar the amiable and highly-accomplished lady, Theodosia Pery, daughter of the Earl of Limerick, and niece to the celebrated Lord Pery, formerly Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, and the friend and correspondent of Burke and Grattan. Mr. Rice was not one of those who, amidst all the pleasures of wealth, literature, and domestic enjoyment, could remain insensible to the claims which his country had to his services. Seeing, in 1814, the abuse of the Irish grand jury system, he published in London a pamphlet on the subject, which had the effect of leading to a correction of this, perhaps, greatest of all local grievances. Soon after this his countrymen began to regard him as one likely to do the state some service,' and, accordingly, solicited him, in 1818, to become a candidate for the city of Limerick. This corporation, like all corporations in Ireland, had long degenerated from its original purity; and, as Mr. Spring Rice started on liberal principles, his This portrait is a most correct likeness, and was drawn by Comerford, a Dublin artist, whose superior talents are justly appreciated in the Irish metropolis. It may be justly said, that there was scarcely any great public measure adopted in Ireland, whilst Lord Pery engaged in business, which had not its seminal principle in his comprehensive mind. The corn laws, the free trade, the independence of the Irish parliament, the tenantry bill, wère framed with his assistance, and would no have been carried without it. The tillage of Ireland may be regarded as his child.'HARDY'S Life of Charlemont. 2 N VOL. I.-No. 6. opponent was returned, after a contest of twenty-one days. Mr. Rice petitioned, and failed only on a point of form. The recurrence of such a case was, however, prevented, by a subsequent act of parliament. At the general election in 1820, Mr. S. Rice again stood forward as candidate for his native city; but his opponent was again returned by the sheriff and corporation. Once more he petitioned; an inquiry was instituted the town-clerk was reprimanded-the recorder committed to Newgate for gross prevarication—and Thomas Spring Rice, Esq. declared sitting member. The decision of the committee on this case was the most important since the Union, as it deprives city corporations of the power of making non-resident freemen. It must be quite unnecessary, as it would, indeed, be almost impossible, to particularize every occasion in which the subject of our memoir has distinguished himself in his place in parliament. There has been, since his return, no question connected with his native country on which he has not taken a leading part; and all who have watched his zeal in the cause of her liberty and rights must pronounce him the most able and efficient Irish member at present in the House of Commons. Such were his services in the two first sessions as to force his political opponents to an expression of thanks; and, though the advocate of Catholic emancipa tion, the bigoted corporation of Dublin voted him the freedom of the city, on Friday, the 18th of October, 1822. While labouring for the good of Ireland, Mr. Spring Rice has not been neglectful of his constituents; for, in 1823, he obtained an important bill to regulate the city of Limerick, and procure justice for its inhabitants. On this occasion he displayed even more than his wonted abilities, and facilitated the progress of the measure, by printing, and putting into the hands of members, remarks on the bill. Mr. S. Rice, though a very young man, is listened to in parliament with that respectful attention, which extensive information, and splendid talents, are always sure to command. His opinion, particularly on Irish subjects, is looked up to bv both sides of the House as a kind of directing beacon whereby to ster; and, though usually opposed to ministers, they have frequently followed his advice. His voice, though not loud, is pleasing; and, as a public speaker, he ranks very high, though the matter of his speeches is never sacrificed to oratorical display. In private life, Mr. S. Rice is esteemed and beloved by all who have the pleasure of his acquaintance; and, in or out of parliament, there is no measure, even remotely calculated to be advantageous to Ireland, which does not receive his support and concurrence. |