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their conflicting interests will produce better results than any positive law.

Speaking of the law which makes under-tenants responsible for the head rent, the reviewer questions whether Morocco or Algiers sanctions any more flagrant and shameful abuse!' Why the same law is acted upon every day in the week, in every town in Great Britain as well as Ireland; and, though it frequently occasions much individual misfortune, I know not how it could be remedied without producing evils greater than those incidental to the present system.

Having now shown the incapacity of this writer for the task he under took, I shall not dwell on the remainder of the article. I perfectly agree with his observations on tithes, and should give him every credit for them were they his own; but, having already read them about five hundred times in different speeches and pamphlets, the reviewer, I hope, will excuse me if I withhold praise which he certainly does not merit. I do hope that my countrymen will, from this day forward, place a proper value upon those hollow friends who, in advocating Catholic emancipation, represent them as the most turbulent and savage people in Europe.

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The Quarterly Review, which ap peared in nearly the same week as the Edinburgh,' is quite as dull as usual. The Life of Hayley' is pleas ingly written, and the review of Campbell's Theodric' just. There is a capital essay on Rail-roads, and a lame puff of Washington Irving's works; but the remaining articles are dul in the extreme, unless we except that on the Church in Ireland, which, indeed, is a bold attempt at justi fying an existing abuse; but the evils of tithes paid to parsons without flocks are too glaring to be defended by sophistry or special pleading. What think you of a writer in this age of political economy who has the hardihood to put forth such reasoning as the following →→→

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Suppose tithes to be remuneration for the services of the clergy: suppose them to be contributed from some quarter: who are properly the contributors? Certainly the proprietors of estates. But who

are the proprietors? By a vast and overwhelming majority, the Protestant nobility: and gentry. If therefore in Ireland the Protestant establishment be maintained by contribution, it is maintained by Protestants. But in truth, as we have alis maintained by the landowners of neither ready shown, the Protestant establishment creed, but by its own property. Neither doos the Roman Catholic tenant, whatever may be his notions, contribute any thing to its support; he stands precisely in the same situation with every Protest ant tithe payer; he takes his land with the reservation of one-tenth as the property of the tithe-owner, whether this tithe-owner be lay or clerical: his relation to the incumbent is in this respect simply that of a debtor to his creditor; it is an affair purely temporal: the impropriator may, like the Duke of Devonshire, be a lay rector, or, like the incumbent of a parish, be a minister of the church; in each case the tithe must be paid, because it is the property of the individual who claims it.

All the chief landholders in Ireland are Protestants, the greater part of the tenantry is Roman Catholic; is it deemed a hardship upon the tenant that he is to pay rent to a Protestant landlord? If not, why is he to be commiserated because, having carried into his barn the property of the clergyman, he has to pay for it

about a third of its value?

Passing over the facts, as having no kind of a blundering fellow is this? connexion with the argument, what Does he not know that parsons will tithes that they must have corn, not accept earth and stones for their hay, and potatoes; and that these are labour of the Catholic tenant? Leave produced by the capital, sweat, and the land there for ages, and what will it produce?-haws and blackberries! very unsubstantial diet for a modern divine. Supposing, therefore, that the Church is entitled to one-tenth of the proprietor's property, it is evident that this does not satisfy her; for, in taking the decimal part of all agricultural produce, she taxes the industry, the capital, and the seed which lie farmer to plough, harrow, and produced it. She compels the Cathosow, to reap and bind, and then comes and carries off every tenth sheaf, without leaving behind her a single grain of seed for the ensuing

eason.

*Tithes are not only an oppressive impost, but an impolitic one, for they act as a bounty on idleness, while they tend to impede national improvement, • In the times

After this will any man be so stupid or so perverse as to say the Catholic farmer does not contribute to the support of a Church which affords him neither spiritual nor tempo ral assistance? But the unjustly treated Catholic pays more than the tenth of his annual produce to this plethoric Church: he builds the edifice, erects the steeple, purchases the minister's surplice and the sexton's gown, remunerates the parish clerk, and keeps the house of God' in repair. Nay, more, he is taxed to pay for the communion bread and wine used by orthodox Protestants! The parson is no sooner satisfied than in walks his clerk; and when he is dismissed the churchwarden enters. A succession of plagues thus beset the poor man's door; and, while his hard-earned substance goes to satisfy their rapacity, a mercenary scribe in some London Review insults the common sense of mankind by asserting that the Catholic peasant of Ireland contributes nothing of his own to the Protestant establishment. Church rates are, at all events, taken out of poor Paddy's pocket; and it required more than usual effrontery in this scribe to make the statement he did with these facts staring him in the face.

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the North will prefer losing ten pounds in litigation sooner than quietly submit to the demands of the parson.

Where is the proof,' asks the reviewer, that the insurrections in Ireland are to be traced to the tithe system?' I answer in the wellknown fact that, in every commotion during the last seventy years, parsons and proctors were the objects of Whiteboy vengeance; and I can tell this very silly writer that had it not been for tithes we should never have witnessed systematic opposition to the laws in Munster. I will admit. that tithes, obnoxious as they are, were never the first provocatives to insurrection. To land monopolists, and the growing taste for large farms, I attribute that evil; but to the Church is certainly due the merit of protracting the servile war; for, while comparatively few had to complain of cruel landlords, or dreaded being turned out of their farms, all felt the evil effects of tithes and church rates; and, therefore, we uniformly find these placed on the devoted list, that all might be stimulated to activity, by having constantly before their eyes the name of that from the destruction of which every man anticipated some personal benefit. Tithes, therefore, though not a paramount, have been an extensive evil, which served, like certain cutaneous diseases, to irritate without maddening.

If, as the reviewer asserts, the land proprietors pay the Church, why not, instead of a Tithe Composition Bill, enact a simple law, which would give one-tenth of the rent, and not of the produce, to the parson? Let the legislature do this, and no party will have a right to complain.-The tenant will then see exactly what he has to pay, and the minister will be remunerated without being suspected of demanding too much; and I would even give him the same power as the landlord to compel payment. There can be no doubt but that the price of land is lower now than it would be if

This article may be justly called the last dying words and declaration of ecclesiastical monopoly in Ireland.' All former arguments are renewed, and no common industry displayed in bringing forward new ones: but all will not do; the interested veil of sophistry is seen through, and those that run may read. I care not about residents or non-residents. The Protestant minister is without followers, and how can the people regard him as a disciple of the meek and lowly Jesus' when he does not scruple to fatten on the labour and industry of those who neither require his services nor believe in their efficacy? The Irish Protestant seems to be aware of this, and, contrary to the reviewer's opinion, pays his tithe with the utmost reluctance; while the Presbyterian of in which we live, they are a tax upon industry, upon enterprise, and upon agricultural skill. Is a man intelligent and industrious-does he by agriculture reclaim a tract of land, and make it productive of corn, he is visited and harassed by the tithe proctor; does his neighbour, through want of inclination or of skill, keep his farm in pasture and unimproved-he is exonerated from the burden of tithes.'-JUDGE FLETCHER'S Charge to the Grand Jury of Wexford in 1814.

tithe-free; and I assure you I have no wish to see the aristocracy put in their pockets what undoubtedly belongs to some Church; but, until the measure I recommend is carried into effect, you will have nothing but tithe-battles both in Ireland and England. In the latter country these obnoxious imposts are enacted with a severity and pertinacity unknown in the former.

I pass over all the fine compliments paid by the reviewer to the Protestant clergy as a thing of course, and certainly felt not a little surprised on finding not one slap at popery in the whole six-and-thirty pages: but, as a proof of his impartiality, he excluded from the catalogue of publications, which, like sentinels, stood guard at the head of his article, every one of those works upon the subject which alone deserved notice. In vain I looked for Captain Rock or Dr. Doyle's Letters. No, no, these would not serve his cause, and, therefore, he mostly supplied their place with anonymous pamphlets. The Bishop of Limerick, indeed, is introduced; and, though I look upon him as a very

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amiable prelate and worthy character, I must say he appears to me a very simple and credulous man. Few of his countrymen will read the following, quoted by the reviewer, without a smile :

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land are not odious to the people. On the Assuredly the Protestant clergy in Irecontrary, I believe in my conscience, and I know from a thousand other proofs, that, when the people are left to the free exercise of their judgments, and the natural flow of their affections, the clergy, as individuals, and as a body, are among the most popular, if not entirely the most popular, members of society!!

'I know a parish which, from peculiar circumstances not within the control of the bishop, was for several months left vacant, and unprovided with a resident minister. The population were predominantly Roman Catholic; and they had an excellent pastor of their own communion; but still they absolutely felt as sheep without a shepherd, and were yearning for a Protestant clergyman!!!'

My paper is exhausted—Mrs. O’R. has sent for me; so adieu.

SONG.

RORY O'ROURKE.

Bedford Square.

Air-Patrick's Day.'

My country, the morning of freedom, in shining, Its lustre and splendour around thee has cast; The darkness of fate and the night of repining Now far from thy valleys have gloomily passed: The day-break of right

Is cheerful and bright,

Reluming our hopes and our friendships at last : The brow that would dare,

The hand that would spare,

The look of high thought, and the soul of emotion,
No longer in thraldom shall steal to decay,
But, glowing with all the warm native's devotion,
Shall brilliantly brighten on Patrick's Day.

Why talk of our gratitude? how can we owe it
For ages in suffering and calumny passed?
If freedom be given us, let them who bestow it
Be told it is freedom wrung from them at last.
Yet, grateful and proud

Of merit avowed,

That monarch with firmness we still shall obey,
Who sanctioned the claim

Of our faith and our fame,

Enriching our hopes with what long was denied us
In dignity's counsel, in valour's array,

When few had befriended, but many belied us,
Obscuring our joys on each Patrick's Day.

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But now, in the dawn of our rank and our glory, With feelings arising in friendship and fire "At the name of our country, the pomp of her story, The song of her bard and the sound of her lyre; As friends will be known

Around the throne

Of the monarch who bade us with nature aspire
To rank and to right,

At the feast, at the fight,

As brothers in honour, as soldiers in action,
And men of one country, in pride to array,
Dispelling for ever the thick clouds of faction
From Erin's green bosom on Patrick's Day.

HUGH CLARKE.

MISCELLANEA.

THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.-On Friday, the 19th of March, this distinguished body held their final meeting. A spirited but temperate Address to the Catholics of Ireland was voted; and various resolutions were passed, from which we extract the following paragraphs:

Resolved, That the Catholic Association, in that perfect obedience to the law which we have always inculcated, by precept as well as by example, will, from this day forth, totally cease to hold any meeting whatsoever, during the period prohibited by law.

'Resolved, That, in the same spirit of obedience to the law, we do hereby vest in Lord Killeen the sum of money now in the hands of the gentlemen who have been hitherto treasurers of the Catholic Associa tion, being well convinced that the moneys so vested in him will be applied by his lordship to the purposes for which the same were collected, or to such only of the said purposes as shall be found to be perfeetly legal, if any thereof have been (which at present we do not believe) rendered illegal.'

Another resolution expressed the grati tude of the Association towards Daniel O'Connell, Esq. and their undiminished confidence in him,

After the business of the day was concluded, three cheers were given for old Ireland,' and the Exchange rang with loud and long-continued appeals of acclamation. Mr. Conway then moved that the Association should adjourn sine die, which was carried unanimously, and the meeting separated in solemn silence.

Mr. JAMES, the naval historian, has a new and improved edition of his Naval History' now in the press, which promises to be the most complete and valuable account of sea engagements ever yet brought before the public. Many of the actions, are illustrated by diagrams, so as to ren der the details perfectly intelligible to the

unprofessional reader. It will appear some time in May or June.

WILLIAM OWEN, ESQ. R A.-This dis tinguished artist died at his house in London, on Friday, the 11th of March, after a protracted illness of nearly six years; and it is lamentable to record that he did not fall a victim to his long suffering, but was hurried out of the world by having laudanum administered to him in mistake. Mr. Owen was a native of Wales, and tanked in the first class of portrait painters.

THE LATE MR. MATURIN.We rejoice to find that a subscription has been set on foot in Dublin, for the benefit of the widow and children of this distinguished character.

DR. SAMUEL PARR, LL. D.-This eminent scholar died at Hatton on the 6th of last month, From the year 1780, (when he commenced his literary career by the publication of two sermons,) till a late period, he frequently employed his pen on critical, political, and theological subjects. His 'Bellendenus de Statu, and Preface,' &c. and Character of the late Mr.Fox,' in two octavo volumes,(published under the name of Philopatris Varviciensis,') are his most distinguished works. He was celebrated as a Greek scholar, and in his time associated with almost all the great and learned among his cotemporaries. His age was near 80, being born at Harrow, the 26th January, 1746-7.

GREENWICH HOSPITAL. Owing to the great labour bestowed on the embellishments for this work, it cannot appear until the first of May. The engravings are on a scale hitherto unattempted by Mr. George Cruikshank.

CAMPBELL AND BYRON.-The author of The Pleasures of Hope' has addressed the editor of the Edinburgh Review,' stating that the idea of his poem, the Last Man, was not borrowed from Lord Byron's poem of Darkness.

DUBLIN AND LONDON MAGAZINE.

MAY, 1825.

DEFENCE OF THE IRISH.*

So much of what we call civilization and barbarism depends upon national ideas, and preconceived notions, that the attributes of a people are best ascertained by comparison; and if, in defending the Irish from a long catalogue of imputations, we should occasionally make reprisals upon their neighbours, it would be no more than retributive justice requires, since from them the charges we repel have emanated.

English and Scotch writers, of all sects and parties, have so long indulged in sneers and invectives against the people of Ireland, that it is time to reverse the tables-to make the lion, for once, the painter-and, by comparing the inhabitants of both kingdoms, see to which reproach most fitly applies. To this method there can be no reasonable objection; for, as the English and Scotch are superlative in every thing that does honour to human nature, they need not shrink from a contrast with their savage neighbours, as the Edinburgh Review' accurately describes the Irish. But Ireland, perhaps, has not been more industriously misrepresented by foreigners than by natives; and Mr. Ensor was quite correct in stating that he proposed to defend his country not only against enemies, but friends: for to the mistaken patriotism of the latter many of the falsehoods which have gone abroad are to be attributed. If we were not the first, we are certainly among the few, who have endeavoured to prove, by facts, that Ireland is neither the wretched nor the ignorant country generally described; and it is with no small satisfaction that we find our opinions, in many points, confirmed by an authority like Mr. Ensor, whose patriotism is as undoubted as his talents are conspicuous.

The charges usually made against the Irish people may be comprised

under the following heads:-1. Ignorance; 2. Superstition; 3. Barbarism; 4. Immorality; 5. Idleness and, 6. Poverty. In this order we shall consider them; and, first

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Ignorance. This is a relative term, and bears different significations under different circumstances, and in different places. Mr. Cobbett is ignorant of Latin, and Dr. Johnson was partially ignorant of Greek; yet assuredly neither of these men is to be accounted ignorant. If by ignorance is meant the absence of book learning, the charge is false; for the people of Ireland,' says Mr. Wakefield, are universally educated;' and, though sensible that this assertion was calculated to excite the ridicule of his countrymen, he reiterates it. Lord Selkirk,' says he, who is well known, wherever he goes, to travel to good purpose, has seen much of Ireland; and on the 5th of May, 1810, his lordship remarked to me that he was struck with the extraordinary anxiety of the lower orders, in every part of Ireland where he had been, to educate their children.' Mr. Ensor assures me that

education is universal.' In the wildest and most unfrequented mountains of Kerry Mr. Wakefield found English schools; and adduces the authority of an English resident rector, Mr. Rowley, in confirmation of what he advanced respecting the education of the people in those districts. Schools abounded every where long before Education Societies were thought of; for the value set on learning, by the people, is most extravagant. They imagine that it supplies the want of fortune, and other advantages; and that it always ensures to its possessor honour, applause, and riches. This opinion is still prevalent, notwithstanding numerous and melancholy proofs of its falsity.

* A Defence of the Irish, and the Means of their Redemption. By George Ensor, Esq. Scully, Dublin, 1825.

VOL. I.-No. 3.

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