My sentiments on this subject, my dear sir, have been often publicly expressed; but I have no objection to repeat the declaration of them, if it be thought by you that such declaration might, in the smallest degree, aid the friends of the Union and the Constitution in the South, in dispelling prejudices which are so industriously fostered, and in quieting agitations so unnecessarily kept alive.

In my opinion, the domestic slavery of the southern States is a subject within the exclusive control of the States themselves; and this, I am sure, is the opinion of the whole North. Congress has no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them in any of the States. This was so resolved by the house of representatives, when Congress sat in this city in 1790, on the report of a committee, consisting almost entirely of northern members; and I do not know an instance of the expression of a different opinion in either house of Congress since. I cannot say that particular individuals might not possibly be found who suppose that Congress may possess some power over the subject, but I do not know any such persons, and if there be any, I am sure there are few. The servitude of so great a portion of the population of the South is, undoubtedly, regarded at the North, as a great evil, moral and political; and the discussions upon it, which have recently taken place in the legislatures of several of the slaveholding States, have been read with very deep interest. But it is regarded, nevertheless, as an evil, the remedy of which lies with those legislatures themselves, to be provided and applied according to their own sense of policy and duty. The imputations which you say, and say truly, are constantly made against the North, are in my opinion entirely destitute of any just foundation. I have endeavored to repel them, so far as has been in my power, on all proper occasions; and for a fuller expression of my opinions, both on the power of Congress, and on the groundless charges against Northern men, I beg leave to refer you to my remarks in the debate on Mr. Foot's resolutions, in 1830.

I am, my dear sir, with much true regard, your obedient ser

vant,

TO JOHN BOLTON, ESQ.

DANIEL WEBSTER.

EDINBURGH LADIES' COLONIZATION SOCIETY:

We have before us a circular from a Society in Edinburgh, Scotland, accompanied by a letter from a lady in that city, to a Philadelphia lady, distinguished for her benevolence and diffusive charity. We copy the first part.

AT a Meeting of Ladies, held on the 27th March, 1833, with a view to Establish a Correspondence with American Ladies, who take an interest in the AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY, it was stated that the Meeting are moved to this measure, by the hope of attaining the whole, or the principal part of the following objects:

I. THE EXTENSION OF CHRISTIAN INTERCOURSE.

Every movement which enlarges Christian sympathy carries in its bosom a double blessing: it blesses the giver and the receiver; and if, haply, these parties meet in a simultaneous effort to convey relief to a third, the blessing is more than doubled-it is reflected back in many forms on all concerned.

In this view, the principles of true philanthropy, and of sound patriotism encourage us to seek an intercourse with those females in the United States, who commend themselves to our esteem, and invite our imitation, by their affectionate exertions on behalf of the Negro, who but recently might too justly be said to have none to help him.' There are not in the world women from whom we can expect to meet so true a response to our sentiments and principles, as from the intelligent Females of the United States; and there is no cause in which we can more cordially join. Therefore, confiding in the sympathy of Christian sisters, we address ourselves to the Female Supporters of the Colonization Society. With them we would unite our prayers, that even through this feeble instrumentality, Ethiopia may stretch out her hands to God.'

Moreover, we owe to America a debt, in the matter of her Negro population, which all our efforts will not be able to discharge. It was from our country that she received at first the baneful boon of slavery. In the case of Pennsylvania, she received it most reluctantly, groaned under it while it endured, and at last it formed one of the most prominent reasons for casting off her allegiance to the mother country, and she forced her way to independence that she might rid herself of this crime. Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas, and Georgia, were alike averse to slave-holding, and one or more of these States made powerful remonstrances to the British throne, which were not successful.

To Africa, also, we owe a debt, which no aspirations, no exertions, no sacrifices, on our part, will be sufficient to cancel. The tenants of her wilderness have been in turn incited to barbarity, and made subjects of cruelty by Britons. If they have trusted a white man, they have been betrayed. If they have heard the name of our God, it was in profanation and blasphemy. If their benighted minds were ever led to a comparison between the religion of the white and black man, it was to prefer their own cruel superstitions and puerile ceremonies to the light of that religion which Britons dishonored.

We are called upon, therefore, to be exceedingly glad that America has at last planted the tree of Christian Liberty on the promontory of Liberia. We are called upon to cheer her in her enterprise, not of benevolence only, but of restitution. We are called upon to combine our prayers, our hopes, our efforts, with hers, and to do what we can to plant our tree also on that injured shore. And, if we obey this call, we shall, in return, acquire for ourselves Christian friends in America, who, while they add to our interest in this perishing life, will swell our expectations of that glorious and blessed assembly in the life that is to come, where, through redeeming mercy, we may hope to meet them face to face.

A Ladies' Liberia Society has been formed in Edinburgh, and it is probable that the objects of the Colonization Society will be promoted by the cooperation of these benevolent females.

0.

COLONIZATION A MORAL EXPERIMENT.

'The faith which is most wanted, is a faith in what we and our fellow beings may become, a faith in the divine germ or principle in every soul.'

DR. CHANNING.

reflecting mind,

THE Colonization scheme presents to the subjects of thought as various as they are important. No topic of national interest combines in itself such an amount of material, fitted to attract the serious attention, and enlist the warmest sympathies of the philosophical and enthusiastic-the patriot and philanthropist. Whether we view it as the only constitutional method yet devised for the removal of slavery, or regard it as the blessed agent for morally renovating a benighted continent; whether we hail it as destined to give the death-blow to that detestable traffic which modern legislation has brought under the ban of the law, or con

template, as its direct result, the advancement of a degraded portion of the human race, it is rife with momentous considerations and glowing with thrilling interest.

It is however to the latter, its promirent aim, and one involving the consummation of every other object, that I turn with peculiar regard and intense hope, and to this point I would devote a few remarks.

It will readily be granted, I think, by all the advocates and friends of the colored population, that the chief counter influence, against which they are obliged to struggle, is the force of prejudice. However various in degree, and however modified by circumstances, this is the main element of all opposition to the progress of this species of philanthropic enterprise. And it is equally evident, to the intelligent observer, that a want of confidence in the native capacity of the blacks, a distrust of their mental and moral constitution as affording a sure basis for the developement of those master principles of individual and national greatness-selfgovernment and self-improvement--is the latent or direct foundation of a sentiment so unfavorable to themselves and their cause.

The immediate consequence of such an opinion is a want of interest in the blacks. There may be, and doubtless is, christian principle enough to prevent, in most instances, the natural growth of simple prejudice into positive dislike, but scarcely sufficient to awaken any worthy feeling of hopefulness and respect, in the minds of the multitude. To inspire and sustain such a sentiment, human nature must be addressed through her best sympathies. There must be something which speaks of ancient nobleness mingled with the degradation of a people, to excite, in their behalf, deep and enthusiastic commiseration.

Our own community and its pervading spirit afford ample illustration of this truth. The cause of free institutions, and of freedom of opinion has been peculiarly our own. We have seen how powerfully public sympathy is aroused in favor of the oppressed yet magnanimous of the old world. How readily and extensively was this spirit enlisted in behalf of martyred Poland! And, when excited by the sufferings of Greece, how soon it subsided when her chains were unspurned and unresisted! How eloquently have the good and great among us plead for the unenslaved but nearly annihilated Indian, and with what pathos and beauty have our poets sung his melancholy fate, while, a reference to abstract principles-to the rights of man-to the evil and sin of human bondage-to the duties of religion and benevolence-is alone adequate to warm the hearts of the many towards the African. Himself must be wreathed with the claims of his cause to attract the

ardent attention of his fellow beings. Not to him do men turn, as to one who retains even a faint impression of individuality, but as belonging to an abject race, possessing the common attributes of humanity, in a very common degree, the victim of degrading circumstances upon whom they have wrought their 'perfect work.' That such a view is rational or christian, far be it from me to affirm; that it is one which, in the present state of the world, is to be expected, and one that is actually and prevalently existent-I feel to be true.

And, I would ask, what means of kindling up a brighter, and more perfect sympathy, a wider and deeper interest, in favor of the colored population, lie within the scope of human ability and come recommended, by their intrinsic excellence and reasonableness, to human nature ? The answer is plain. Let us afford every facility for the free developement of African character, in its best forms. Let it expand in the invigorating atmosphere of freedom, but let the early breath of that bracing and renovating air be modified and its efficiency enhanced by every auspicious influence. Let the physical circumstances, and the social spirit, amid which it is inhaled, speak a kindred and encouraging language. Above all, let religion and education, in purity and power, lend the aid of their divine ministry, and the incentives to a holy ambition and the occasions for active excellence be neither few nor small.

Such is the method alike indicated by philosophy and intelligent benevolence. And such a course is avowedly and obviously designated by the Colonization scheme, and is now carrying into effect under the benign auspices of the American Colonization Society. I thankfully recognize in the system of this Institution a means which, with the blessing of Heaven, is to improve and ennoble a class of mankind,, against whose highest interests the whole force of physical condition and public sentiment has been long and fearfully arrayed. My anticipations on this point are based on a view of existing facts, and a recurrence to the first principles of human nature and the essential conditions of human improvement.

The testimony of individual consciousness and the world's history declares, that light and warmth are not more requisite to vegetative expansion, than is education, religion, liberty, to the soul's advancement. Ay, liberty-not that liberty only which leaves the body unshackled, but spiritual freedom-bringing with it a sense of dignity, an elevation of sentiment and a manly confidence, without which outward freedom is a vain and a dangerous gift. To confer this genuine liberty, I believe to be the object of the Colonization plan. It would strike off the fetters of the slave, and at