It would be superfluous to attempt to show that a protective tariff is essential to the prosperity of this portion of the Union. The value of our agricultural products, and especially of wool, depends entirely upon the success of our manufactories, and every farmer in Vermont is deeply interested in saving them from the ruin which, it is feared, is impending over them. We cannot raise wool for exportation, and if we abandon wool-growing, what are we to do with any other kind of produce which we may raise in its place? Wool will not be received in foreign countries which have supplies of their own, and who in our own country will consume it, when manufactories shall have been destroyed, and manufacturers, who have been its consumers, are compelled to cultivate the soil as their only mode of subsistence? What would our farms or our produce be worth, if those now engaged at the loom should come back to the plough? We could hardly give away the contents of our overburdened granaries. Manufactures are yet in their infancy, and although during the short period of their existence, they have acquired strength with unexampled rapidity, they cannot be supposed to be stronger than those in older countries, where they have been much longer established, and where labor is cheapest. Yet in all countries, protection has always been found to be necessary to their existence; and no government on earth has ever been so blind to its own interests and those of its citizens, as to permit free trade with other countries, in articles of its own manufacture. There are two very sufficient and obvious reasons for this. One is, that a free or reciprocal trade among different nations never has been, and probably never can be, established. The other is, that to allow one country, whenever it might choose, to inundate another with its surplus manufactures, reduced in value at home by excessive production or bankruptcies, would be to ruin those engaged in the same business in the importing country. Steadiness is the safety and fluctuation the destruction of trade.

England, with a modesty peculiar to herself, proclaims and advocates the doctrines of free trade, for the benefit of other nations, while for her own benefit she practices upon a directly opposite system. In thus advocating free trade she is seconded by the Southern planter. But neither from the one nor the other can we consent to receive instruction. They have their interests, and we have ours. We have also the capacity to understand, and, I trust, the resolution to maintain our rights.

The attention of the people of the whole Union has been directed, by events which have occurred within the last few years, to certain amendments which are deemed essential in the Federal Constitution. The undue stimulus to ambition which is thought to be supplied by the prospect of the Presidential office being enjoyed by its occupant for a second term of four years, has created great alarm for the balance of the powers of the General Government. Experience has certainly proved, that if there is any danger of that balance being destroyed, it arises from the constant efforts of the Executive department to extend its patronage and power, That such efforts have frequently been made, to enable the President to secure a re-election, can hardly be doubted; and it is to be feared that they will continue to be too often made, so long as human nature remains unchanged.

A general complaint, arising from the same well grounded apprehension, exists as to the President's power of removal from office, The constitution directly gives him no such power, but he has been allowed to take it by

implication. It is difficult to imagine how it should ever have been derived from that provision in the constitution which authorizes him to nominate "and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint" all officers.

The President and Senate are jointly made the appointing power, and, in the absence of all other provisions on the subject, one would have supposed they must also be jointly the removing power. But the President claims to exercise it alone, and more frequently exercises it without any cause, except for the political opinions of those removed, than from an impartial regard to the faithful performance of the public service, which forms the sole argument in favor of its existence. For if the Constitution designed to give such a power to the President, it must have been for the purpose of enabling him to make removals required by the public good. But it has been perverted to a totally different purpose; that of enabling him to reward his supporters, strengthen his influence, and secure his own re-election.

Another similar subject, to which I would invite your particular attention, is the power of the President to veto bills which have been passed by both Houses of Congress. This is the only monarchical feature in our form of government, and it is difficult to understand how it should ever have been engrafted upon republican institutions. It was probably taken without much reflection as to its consequences, trom the British constitution, which vests a similar power in the king; but only to protect his own prerogative from encroachment. Eyen for this purpose, however, it has not been exercised by him for more than two centuries. The early settlers of Vermont were too jealous of liberty to allow such a power any place in our constitution.

The

To form a just notion of the magnitude of the veto power, as it may be exercised by the President, we must keep constantly in view, that to prevent the passage of wholesome and necessary laws, is as bad as to pass those which are mischievous. The power to make all laws, might be as properly entrusted to the President, as the power to prevent all laws. history of all legislation proves that a majority of two thirds can seldom be obtained on disputed questions; and to allow the President to resist the enactment of such laws as he pleases, unless passed by so large a majority, is, in effect, to repose in one man almost the entire power of legislation. But the President not only claims the right to exercise the veto power whenever he pleases, but to exercise it as he understands the constitution, without any regard to the decisions of the Supreme Court, or to the precedents established by his predecessors. He appears to be uncontrolled in its exercise, either by law or precedent, and to have nothing to consult but his own conscience, and nothing to regard but his own character for consistency.

If he is right, we may bid farewell to all stability in our institutions. Every four years the laws of the country may be changed, and its business embarrassed and destroyed by the constitutional scruples of a new President. The tariff, the bank,-the distribution of the revenue from the public lands,-internal improvement,-all the great measures for the welfare of the country, will be constitutional or unconstitutional, just as the President may happen to be selected from one part of the Union or the other.

I submit to your consideration whether it is not expedient to propose an amendment of the constitution, which shall render the President ineli

gible to a re-election, and which shall modify his powers of removal from office, and of preventing the passage of laws by Congress.

For myself, I confess that I cannot doubt that, if such amendment should be adopted by the requisite number of states, it would greatly contribute to perpetuate our free government.

I have thus expressed my views on these important subjects, freely and frankly. They are, however, opinions on matters of opinion, on which we are all at liberty to differ. The discussions of a deliberative assembly are likely to lead to more just conclusions than the reflections of an individual, unaided by the reasonings of others; and I shall rather yield to your judgment, than wish you to be governed by mine.

Grateful for the manifestation of your confidence and regard, which has summoned me from the business of private life to a station so conspicuous as that to which I have just been called, I commend all your deliberations to that Omniscient Power, whose purpose we have fondly hoped it might be, to build up institutions in this country, which would be favorable to human liberty and the improvement of mankind.

Montpelier, October 18, 1841.

CHARLES PAINE,

Mr. Sowles introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate be instructed to procure to be printed, for the use of the Senate, three hundred copies of his Excellency's message.

Which was read and adopted.

Mr. Bartlett introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That so much of the Governor's message as relates to a geological survey of the State, be referred to the Committee on Agriculture. Which was read and adopted.

On motion of Mr. Sowles,

The Senate adjourned.

AFTERNOON.

Mr. Bottum introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of fixing, by law, the fees of officers and jurors attending freehold courts.

Which resolution was read and passed.

Mr. Clark introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That so much of his Excellency's message as relates to education, be referred to the Committee on Education; that so much as relates to the election of Representatives to represent this State in Congress, be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary; that so much as relates to the avails of public lands, be referred to the Committee on Finance; and that so much as relates to a protective tariff, be referred to the Committee on Agriculture.

Which resolution was read and adopted.

Mr. Norton introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That so much of the Governor's message as relates to amending the Constitution of the United States, be referred to a select committee of five.

Which resolution was read and adopted.

The Chair appointed Messrs. Norton, Dillingham, Bartlett, Wooster, and French, as such committee.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Merrill, their Clerk:

MR. PRESIDENT:-The House have passed a resolution for a joint assembly to elect an Auditor in the Treasury Department, in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.

The Senate took up the said resolution, and passed the same in con

currence.

Mr. Swift introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire whether it is not expedient to devise some more expeditious way of choosing town officers by ballot, in the large towns, than the present mode. Which was read and adopted.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Merrill, their Clerk;

MR. PRESIDENT:-The House have, on their part, adopted the joint rules reported by the joint committee of the two houses.

Mr. Eaton of Franklin, from the joint committee appointed to report joint rules, reported the rules of the last session.

Which were adopted by the Senate.

On motion of Mr. Palmer,

The Senate adjourned.

TUESDAY, OCT. 19, 1841.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

The journal of yesterday was read.

Mr. Hatch introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on Agriculture, to whom was referred the resolution inquiring into the expediency of taking a geological survey of this State, be required to make an estimate of the amount of expenditure that would be incurred in making such survey, and report the same to the Senate.

Which was read and adopted.

Mr. Shelden introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on Education be instructed to inquire

into the expediency of passing a law for the appointment of a committee to examine school teachers, in each town, at its annual March meeting and, also, of withholding from every school district which does not employ a teacher approved by said examining committee, the public school money which would otherwise belong to it.

Which was read and adopted.

(S. 2.) Mr. Wooster introduced a bill entitled "an act to prevent usury" Which was read the first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. Bartlett presented the petition of "the Prudential Committee of the Trustees of Caledonia County Grammar School;"

Which was received, and referred to the Committee on Education.

Mr. Dana introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on Education be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing, by law, two or more school districts in any town, to unite, for the purpose of forming a central school for morë advanced scholars.

Which resolution was read and passed.

On motion of Mr. Dillingham,

The Senate odjourned.

AFTERNOON.

Mr. Wooster, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was refer red the resolution of Mr. Shelden, directing the said Committee to inquire into the expediency of passing a law authorizing town clerks to take acknowledgments of deeds, reported that, in the opinion of the Committee, no legislation was necessary or expedient on the subject.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Merrill, their Clerk:

MR. PRESIDENT:-The House concur with the Senate in passing a resolution for a joint assembly to elect an Auditor of Accounts against the State.

They have also passed a resolution for a joint assembly to elect a Brig adier General of the 2d Brigade, 1st Division; and have passed a bill (H. 3) entitled "an act in alteration of the 32d chapter of the Revised Statutes," in which they request the concurrence of the Senate.

The Senate took up the resolution for a joint assembly to elect a Brigadier General, and passed the same in concurrence.

The Senate took up the bill from the House of Representatives (H. 3) entitled "an act in alteration of the 32d chapter of the Revised Statutes," and it was read twice, and referred, on motion of Mr. Dana, to the Senator from Grand Isle.

Mr. Blodgett introduced the following resolution: