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fequence of these wars, which have fpilled fuch feas of blood, and reduced fo many millions to a merciless flavery. But these are only the ceremonies performed in the porch of the political temple. Much more horrid ones are seen as you enter it. The feveral fpecies of government vie with each other in the abfurdity of their conftitutions, and the oppreffion which they make their fubjects endure. Take them under what form you please, they are in effect but a defpotifm, and they fall, both in effect and appearance (too, after a very short period, into that cruel and detestable species of tyranny; which I rather call it, because we have been educated under another form, than that this is of worse confequences to mankind. For the free governments, for the point of their space, and the moment of their duration, have felt more confusion, and committed more flagrant acts of tyranny, than the most perfect defpotick governments which we have ever known. Turn your eye next to the labyrinth of the law, and the iniquity conceived in its intricate receffes. Confider the Confider the ravages committed in the bowels of all commonwealths by ambition, by avarice, envy, fraud, open injustice, and pretended friendship; vices which could draw little fupport from a state of nature, but which bloffom and flourish in the ranknefs of political fociety. Revolve our whole discourse; add to it all those re

flections

flections which your own good understanding shall fuggeft, and make a ftrenuous effort beyond the reach of vulgar philofophy, to confefs that the cause of artificial fociety is more defenceless even than that of artificial religion; that it is as derogatory from the honour of the Creator, as fubversive of human reason, and productive of infinitely more mischief to the human race.

If pretended revelations have caused wars where they were opposed, and flavery where they were received, the pretended wife inventions of politicians have done the fame. But the flavery has been much heavier, the wars far more bloody, and both more univerfal by many degrees. Shew me any mischief produced by the madness or wickednefs of theologians, and I will fhew you an hundred, refulting from the ambition and villany of conquerors and statesmen. Shew me an abfurdity in religion, and I will undertake to fhew you an hundred for one in political laws and inftitutions. If you fay, that natural religion is a fufficient guide without the foreign aid of revelation, on what principle fhould political laws become neceffary? Is not the fame reason available in theology and in politicks? If the laws of nature are the laws of God, is it consistent with the divine wisdom to prefcribe rules to us, and leave the enforcement of them to the folly of human inftitutions? Will you follow truth but to a certain point?

We

We are indebted for all our miseries to our dif truft of that guide, which Providence thought fufficient for our condition, our own natural reafon, which rejecting both in human and divine things, we have given our necks to the yoke of political and theological flavery. We have renounced the prerogative of man, and it is no wonder that we should be treated like beafts. But our mifery is much greater than theirs, as the crime we commit in rejecting the lawful dominion of our reafon is greater than any which they can commit. If after all, you should confefs all these things, yet plead the neceffity of political inftitutions, weak and wicked as they are, I can argue with equal, perhaps fuperiour force concerning the neceffity of artificial religion; and every step you advance in your argument, you add a strength to mine. So that if we are refolved to fubmit our reafon and our liberty to civil ufurpation, we have nothing to do but to conform as quietly as we can to the vulgar notions which are connected with this, and take up the theology of the vulgar as well as their politicks. But if we think this neceffity rather imaginary than real, we fhould renounce their dreams of fociety, together with their vifions of religion, and vindicate ourfelves into perfect liberty.

You are, my Lord, but juft entering into the world; I am going out of it. I have played long

enough

enough to be heartily tired of the drama. Whether I have acted my part in it well or ill, pofterity will judge with more candour than I, or than the prefent age, with our prefent paffions, can poffibly pretend to. For my part, I quit it without a figh, and submit to the fovereign order without murmuring. The nearer we approach to the goal of life, the better we begin to understand the true value of our existence, and the real weight of our opinions. We fet out much in love with both; but we leave much behind us as we advance. We first throw away the tales along with the rattles of our nurses; those of the priest keep their hold a little longer; thofe of our governours the longest of all. But the paffions which prop thefe opinions are withdrawn one after another; and the cool light of reafon at the fetting of our life, fhews us what a falfe fplendour played upon these objects during our more fanguine feasons. Happy, my Lord, if inftructed by my experience, and even by my errours, you come early to make fuch an eftimate of things, as may give freedom and ease to your life. I am happy that such an estimate promifes me comfort at my death.

A PHILO

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