Imagens das páginas
PDF
ePub

CHAP

XLIV.

compensated by the superiority of other races in enthusiasm, energy, and love of independence.

Napoleon's empire, a mere military one, could not have endured. No prudence of his could have preserved it. And his imprudence did but shorten its existence. The empire fallen, what was to replace it? For if the west could not dominate the east, as little could the east put its yoke upon the west. The obvious answer was, the Bourbons with the old frontier and their old pacific policy. But would the nation tolerate, would the people rally to them, would the army obey? The Prussians cared little, provided they extended their kingdom to the Rhine. The Austrians not more, so that they succeeded to Napoleon in the domination of Italy and Germany. But Alexander deemed it worth consideration how the French government was to be settled, and the national spirit satisfied. The example of England had taught him to put faith in a constitution. He hoped to govern Poland by one. The Bourbons surely could repay the French for the supremacy they had lost by the blessings of freedom and of peace.

The senate, therefore, which had obsequiously voted Napoleon's forfeiture of the throne, and named the provisional government, was invited by Alexander to form a committee to frame a constitution. The liberal member of the committee was Count Nesselrode, the champion of divine right was the Abbé de Montesquieu, the representative of the Bourbon brothers and the party of the emigration. He would scarcely hear of a constitution,* till he was awakened from his obstinacy by the tidings that Alexander was treating with Napoleon's envoys, with a view to the regency of Maria Louisa. Marmont's defection saved the Bourbons, and the Royalist pretensions were somewhat humbled by the narrow escape they had had. At last a constitution

*Montesquieu's Memoir, published in Moniteur, April 1815.

was framed upon the English model, two chambers, an hereditary and an elective chamber, a responsible ministry. The existing senate was to form the upper house, with some fifty new members of royal appointment, the old members being assured of all their honours and appointments. The Count d'Artois, already approaching Paris, evaded accepting this constitution, by declaring that he was not empowered to speak for his brother. He entered the capital, however, the day after the conclusion of the treaty with Napoleon, and assumed the government. One of his first acts was to order the evacuation of the French fortresses on the Rhine, Elbe, and Oder, an inevitable step perhaps, but highly unpopular. Another act, equally so, though quite as pardonable, was his adoption of the white for the tricolor flag.

About a fortnight afterwards, Louis the Eighteenth reached Compiégne. He was visited by the marshals, whom he received as cordially as his gout and obesity permitted. Not only M. de Talleyrand, but Alexander, betook himself thither. Louis was less cordial with them. He was prepared to give a constitution, but not to have one forced upon him, as these personages had undertaken to do. A royal declaration was issued from St. Ouen, rejecting the constitution voted by the senate, which was far from having met with general adhesion,* but promising to place a liberal one before the chamber. On the 3rd of May, he entered Paris and the Tuileries, dismissing the imperial guard from the post at the palace, a not inconceivable precaution at a time when conspiracies were but naturally to be expected. M. de Talleyrand was declared minister of foreign affairs; Montesquieu, home department; Baron Louis, an excellent choice, finance minister; General Dupont, in disgrace with Napoleon for his conduct at Baylen, war

minister.

*Réflexions de Bergasse.

CHAP.

XLIV.

CHAP.
XLIV.

The facility with which the Imperial Government had been overthrown, and the readiness with which its civilian functionaries had rallied to the Bourbons, gave hopes that these princes might command the adherence of the great mass of the French people. There was, indeed, one class which it was almost hopeless to attempt to conciliate, the military. For twenty years, they had predominated, were looked to, and looked upon themselves, as the élite of the nation. It was impossible for the new Government to maintain for them their superiority, or to give them even the pay and promotion required. The finance minister said he could not support an army of more than 200,000 men. Military discontent was therefore inevitable. And the only way in which it could have been met was by giving large satisfaction to the non-military spirit and class. A national guard, for example, might have been organised, and might have been made to replace and counterbalance the line. But the restoration had aroused those who called themselves gentry to the assertion of their old superiority, and whilst they equipped themselves as national guards on horseback, the citizens were rather allowed than encouraged to form foot regiments.

To give vigour and weight, as well as contentment, to the citizen classes, they should have been endowed with municipal freedom. Their being thus entrusted and busied with their own local affairs, and influencing them, would have presented a satisfactory contrast with the mutism and nullity of all men before the imperial functionaries. Instead of this, the new Government maintained the old prefects and mayors in their former authority, continued to levy the same taxes, and exact the same obedience, supporting, moreover, the new pretensions of the émigré proprietors and nobles, who had returned to reclaim lost property and privileges. Alexander and Louis the Eighteenth thought that quite enough had been done for liberty when a constitution

or a charter was granted. This, however, is but the external form of freedom, the effects or benefits of which never reach or touch the people unless the administrative organisation be equally free. If constitutions have failed all over Europe, in France and in Spain, it is that the mere forms of constitutional government have been established and observed, whilst all local influence, self-government, or independent action have been purposely passed over or malevolently omitted. The Government and the Liberals, as they were called, disputed in Paris as to whether a constitution should be imposed on the King, or octroyed by him, whether the chamber should have the initiative of laws, or the monarch the right of war or peace; grave questions certainly, but of no immediate importance at a moment when it was necessary to raise up classes, and create institutions capable of counterbalancing and replacing the military, their exigencies and their spirit.

The Bourbon princes were by character and intelligence little fitted to remedy the weakness of their cause. No more humiliating contrast could have been offered to the genius and activity of Napoleon than Louis the Eighteenth. He was indeed no bigot. He confined his extravagant admiration of high birth to himself, whilst his timidity rendered him anxious not to offend the known prejudices of the French people. His nullity and inactivity, however, allowed his brother to exercise influence directly the contrary of the royal opinions. The Count d'Artois, who, from a libertine, had become a devotee, was influenced by the old clergy and old émigrés, and was for governing France with the ideas and the men that had been familiar to him in exile. His sons, the Dukes d'Angoulême and Berry, were, the first, in appearance more sensible because more timid, the latter, furious because the French did not fall down and worship his family. But what did most harm perhaps was the female influence and authority at the

CHAP.

XLIV.

XLIV.

CHAP. Tuileries, so important at a French court. This, of course, was wielded by the Duchess d'Angoulême, the captive of the Temple, who could not be expected to forget what she and her parents had suffered from the revolution. The consequence was that the wives of the marshals, who paid their homage at the Tuileries, were observed to descend its staircase suffused in tears of mortification.*

But

The first great public act that the King had to announce to his people was the treaty of peace with the allies, fixing the frontiers of France. There had been a vague promise to extend the limits of 1790. M. de Talleyrand proposed by virtue of this to include Luxemburg, Namur, and Mons, within the limits of the monarchy. It would have been natural enough in Napoleon to have demanded Luxemburg, as the most advantageous position for future war. The Bourbons making the claim were of course not listened to. France obtained the flat and more fertile portion of Savoy, with Annecy and the capital Chambéry, Avignon too, and Montbeliard, Philippeville, Marienburg, Sarrelouis, and Landau. With these it was obliged to be contented, and to learn at the same time that the King of Holland was to possess Belgium, and the King of Piedmont, Genoa. Martinique, Guadaloupe, and Bourbon were to be restored to France. The plenipotentiaries regretted the Isle of France, or Mauritius, which the English retained for the same reason, that it was the strongest maritime position on the route to India. commerce Bourbon was as valuable, but the political views of Talleyrand then, as of Thiers since, were for

Ney's letter to his wife. "Vous étiez dans l'armée de Condé? Combien de temps avez-vous été en émigration? Tels étaient les éclaircissements préalables à toute politesse de la part de la duchesse d'Angoulême."-Mém. de Lafayette.

For

† Mauritius, with its capacious and easily defended ports, enabled the French at the commencement of the war to intercept the English trade with their possessions in India, and make captures to a formidable

amount.

« AnteriorContinuar »