kind, and being wholly an agricultural region-as the South was until after the Civil War-she was satisfied to do her work with rude and cumbrous implements and in relative wastefulness. But the South knew her own; she understood perfectly that slave labor and machine labor cannot exist side by side: the one must displace the other; and the South, for many reasons satisfactory to herself, preferred the slave.

Among these reasons, undoubtedly the political was among the first and most imperative. By the terms of the Constitution of the United States, Representatives and direct taxes were apportioned among the States according to their respective population, which was determined by adding to the whole number of free persons three-fifths of all slaves. Representation thus provided for was in the lower House of Congress; representation in the upper House, the Senate, being equal for the several States. The effect of this "three-fifths" clause was highly favorable to the South; on whatever basis of apportionment of Representatives among the States, the Congressional District in a slave State was bound to contain a smaller number of individual voters than the Congressional District at the North. The slave vote, as it was called, varied in different districts, and in different States; in Alabama, in 1860, and also in Mississippi, it was equal to a white population of 260,000; in Georgia, of 297,000; in Virginia, of 295,000. In the aggregate the "slave vote" of the South in 1860 equalled the entire population of the four free States, Iowa, Michigan, California and Connecticut; or of the six, Wisconsin, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Rhode Island and Oregon; or as many as that of Massachusetts and Indiana. Yet this enormous "slave vote" which thus offset that of entire Commonwealths at the North constitutionally represented millions who had no right, power or possibility of representing themselves. In spite of this additional "slave vote," the slave States steadily fell behind the free States in the number of their Representatives in Congress, as the following figures demonstrate:

Until the admission of California representation in the Senate was equally divided between the South and the North; after that date it was:

Although the number of Representatives in Congress from slave States decreased, relative to the number from the free States, from the first Congress, the discrepancy is insignificant until the United States had passed beyond its original boundaries, when the Louisiana Purchase had been made. and migration across the Mississippi began. The year 1820 may be taken as the date when the South began to realize some of its perils-the year in which the Missouri Compromise, the second limitation of slave territory, was made.

From that date until the final overthrow of slavery, the South may be said to have done battle for it. After 1850, when the so-called "balance of power" in the Senate ceased, the battle waxed fiercer until the end.

The gain in Representatives at the North finds a partial explanation in foreign immigration-the new States vying with one another to attract immigrants and making the right to vote an easy acquisition.

In contrast to the South, the North welcomed labor and encouraged inventive genius. Every farm and shop and factory at the North is a record of labor-saving machinery, and so eager were the people of the North to avail themselves of improvements in machinery, that innumerable devices and machines, implements and utensils were yearly cast aside to give place to more effective, and usually, to cheaper ones. What Northern man past middle life cannot recall a long line of cast-off tools and machines in his art or trade, and remember when such an implement as a reaper and binder, now a light, strong, cheap and effective machine, was heavy, cumbersome, expensive, complicated, inefficient and easily put out of working order? The encouragement of inventors at the North has been unparalleled. The year 1840 may be taken as the time when labor-saving machinery began to come into common use at the North-about the time when population was moving into the West, taking up new land, founding new cities and branching out into new industries. Had the North abstained from encouraging the use of machinery, the frontier must have lagged for weary years behind its actual movement westward. One immediate and far-reaching result of the attitude of the North to the invention and use of machinery was her gradual equipment as the manufacturing region of the Union: a result plain enough in its significance at the time of the Civil War. It was the labor-saving machinery of the North which equipped its armies, built its fleets, constructed its railroads, worked its farms and enabled the forces of the Nation to overwhelm the forces of the Confederacy.