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ffor his lovinge freinds & coozeins, Con. O'Rorke & Owen O Rorke, thes."

The Forbes papers of a public character inspected by me relate chiefly to the transactions of Arthur first earl of Granard, and his grandson George, third earl, some of the chief points of whose careers may be here noticed. Arthur, eldest son of the lady Jane Forbes of 1641, served under Montrose in Scotland, and retired to the Highlands with the royalists in 1653. This "gallant

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gentleman, who had been a great sufferer for the King "both in his blood and estate," waited on Charles II. at Brussels in 1659-60 with a secret commission to invite him to Ireland. He was appointed in 1670 Marshal and commander-in-chief of the army in Ireland, and a Lord Justice in 1671. By his exertions the Presbyterian Nonconformists were relieved from the severities to which they and their ministers in Ireland had been subjected through episcopalian influence. Essex, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in his letters to Charles II. stated that Sir Arthur Forbes was as worthy a man and as "faithful a servant to your Majesty as any person I "have ever known, of great use to me in many cir"cumstances, most particularly in the affairs relating "to the army here, wherein he appears very just, "indeed as careful in his station as any man I have 66 ever known." Sir Arthur Forbes was created baron of Clanhugh and viscount Granard in 1675, raised the Royal Irish regiment of foot in 1684, was advanced to the earldom of Granard, reappointed a Lord Justice of Ireland and president of the Council there. He opposed the repeal of the Act of Settlement in the parliament of 1689, was in 1690 besieged unsuccessfully in Castle Forbes, joined William III., commanded the army to which Sligo surrendered, continued a privy councillor, and died in 1696. His son Arthur, second earl Granard, served under Turenne, and at the siege of Buda, and was Colonel of the Royal Irish regiment of foot, from which he retired on the accession of William III. For his suspected co-operation with the Stuarts he was thrice committed to the Tower of London, but was in favour with Queen Anne and received an offer of the governorship of Jamaica, which as a nonjuror he declined, and died in 1734.

George, eldest son and successor of the second earl of Granard, acquired distinction in the English navy, governed Minorca in 1718, entered the service of the Emperor Charles VI. in 1719 to create and form a marine power in the Kingdom of Naples, Sicily, or in the Adriatic; was appointed governor of the Leeward Islands in 1719.

-In 1730 he projected the foundation of a colony on Lake Erie, on the model of Maryland, as a barrier against the French in Canada. As envoy of Great Britain to Petersburg, in 1733, he negociated and concluded the first treaty of commerce made by England with Russia, various papers in connexion with which are in the present collection.

Lord Forbes was appointed Rear Admiral in 1734 and in the same year succeeded to the earldom of Granard.

In 1735 he was promoted Vice Admiral of the Blue, declined the governorship of New York in 1738, acted in the parliament of England in concert with the Duke of Argyle and Pulteney, retired from public office in 1740 and died in 1765 in his eightieth year. The third earl of Granard, characterized by his political opponent Sir Robert Walpole as "a curious and busy man," gave much attention to matters concerning coinage for Ireland, linen manufacture, political arithmetic, and natural science.

His second son, John Forbes, Admiral of the Fleet and general of the marine force of Great Britain, made a remarkable protest against the execution of Byng in 1757. He compiled in 1770 "Memoirs of the house of Forbes, "earls of Granard, in Ireland," which the present Earl published in 1868 from the MS. at Castle Forbes.

Letters and Papers at Castle Forbes.

1628, October 21. Letter of Charles I. in favour of Sir Arthur Forbes, baronet, with respect to fisheries in Ulster, addressed to Viscount Falkland, Lord Deputy of Ireland.

1660, November 28-Dublin. Letter from Captain Jo. Campbell concerning lands assigned to him for his arrears; desires reprizalls in Kilkenny; remarks on affairs to Mr. Luttrell, Lord Mountgarret, Mr. Sarsfield of Lucan, Mr. Bath of Artain; lands lately in possession of Col. Axtell; business of troops and their remodelling.

1660, December 12-Dublin. Sir Oliver St. George to Sir Arthur Forbes.

1660, December 13-Tullachmayne. Capt. Campbell

to Sir Arthur Forbes, recommending him to endeavour to procure grant of Ross, a seaport town.

1660, December 17-Dublin. Lord Montgomery to "Sir Arthur Forbesse, at Mrs. Goulding's house in "Gardener's Lane, King Street, Westminster, Lon"don."

1660, December 17 and 29-Dublin. Sir Oliver St. George to Sir A. Forbes.

1660, December 29-Dublin. Earl of Mountrath to Sir A. Forbes.

1660, January 2-Tullaghmaine. Letter from Capt. Jo. Campbell.

1660, January 12-Dublin. Lord Montgomerie to Sir Arthur Forbes "at the Wheat Sheaffe in King's "Street, Westminster."

1660, February 3-Dublin. Sir Francis Hamilton to Sir Arthur Forbes on his grants of wardships "under "the broad seal of Ireland;" affair of Mullingar; corporations assigned to '49 men for their arrears.

1660, February 13-Dublin. Sir Francis Hamilton to Sir Arthur Forbes on affairs of himself and his son Charles.

1662, May 13-London. Sir Robert Stewart to Sir Arthur Forbes.

1662, January 8-Dublin. Francis Aungier to Sir Arthur Forbes

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1664, June 1-Dublin. Sir George St. George to Sir A. Forbes claim for reprisals out of Lord Bermingham's custodium in Mayo, or Sir Henry O'Neile's lands in Connaught.

1665. Sir Arthur Forbes appoints Robt. Forbes of Craigievar his manager in Scotland during his absence "furth thereof.”

1665, August 12-Dublin. Thomas Page to Sir Arthur Forbes at Mullingar.

1667, January 16-Castlehamilton. Sir Charles Hamilton to Sir Arthur Forbes on Sir Thomas Newcomen's exchange of command.

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1667, February 1-Dublin. Sir George Lane "For my much honored friend Sir Arthur Forbesse, baro"nett, one of his Majesty's most honorable Privy "Councill, recommended to the postm" at Taghsiny to "be sent to Castle Forbesse."

1668. Duke of Ormond to Sir Arthur Forbes-holograph:

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"S",

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'Whythall, 15 March [16]68. "I hope you have bin aquainted with as much as could be needfull to your information from what I have writen to my sonne Ossory, for you are in the first ranke of those ffreinds with whome I advised him to consult in what might relate to the King's service & the interests of my ffamilly weh never have or ever shall bee separated, though this alteration in the Government of that kingdome was contrived to that end by those who have so long laboured with the King in it. All that is past is or will bee well knowen to you when you have conversed with this gentleman, but if you are curious to know what will bee you must make a journey to Donaghadee, or ffurther into Scotland where predictions are more plentifull, in earnest, no rules of ordinary foresight will now serve the time, but those of honesty & loyallty are in all events safe, provided they are assisted by prudence and industry.

"I am, with all truth & reallity, "Your most affectionat humble servant, "ORMONDE." "For Sir Arthur Forbesse, barronett, one of his Mati. Privy Councell of Ireland att Dublin."

"A true list of all the proprietors of the houses, cabbins, gardens, and waste plotts of the town of Callan, beside their appurtenances now in the King's gift.' [Undated].

1670. "By the Lord-Lieutenant Generall and Generall Governor of Ireland. "Jo. Berkeley,

"Whereas wee are informed that there are now abroad in the countyes of Longford and Leytrim and the parts adjacent severall toryes, theeves, and robbers who robb and spoyle divers of his Majestie's good subjects, and that one [blank] Farrell now in company with the said malefactors is able and willing to doe service against them and to discover their harbourers and abettors, if hee may have his Majestie's protection and pardon. These are therefore to pray, authorize, and require Our right trusty and wellbeloved S Arthur Furbesse, barronett, one of his Majestie's Privy Councell in this kingdome in order to the service aforesaid to take the said [blank] Farrell into his Maties protection for such time as hee shall thinke fitt, and also to promise

him his Maties pardon for all past crimes by him comitted (murther done with his owne hands excepted). If hee shall bee so far serviceable and instrumentall in his suppressing and detecting the said toryes and their assistants and receivors as shall bee adjudged to merit his Maties grace and mercy. And wee further impower the said S Arthur Forbesse to take the like course, and give the like promise of pardon to any others now in rebellion that will submitt themselves and bee serviceable to his Majestie and his good subjects as aforesaid. And for soe doeing this shall bee a sufficient warrant. Given at his Majestie's Castle of Dublin the 20th of May 1670."

66 ELLIS LEIGHTON."

Endorsed "To Sr Arthur Forbesse, from La Barkley, Lord-Lieutenant."

1670, August 9. Patent creating Sir Arthur Forbes Marshall of the army in Ireland.

1671, June 13-Lismore. Earl of Cork to Sir Arthur Forbes, one of his Majestie's Lords Justices for the Government of Ireland, prays assistance in despatch of affair which bearer will state.

1674, January 7-Whitehall. Order of Charles II. to pay 1001. per month to Sir A. Forbes during his stay in the northern parts of Ireland, and 2007. “to be disposed "of by him for secret service."

1675, April 25. Lord Glanalley to Sir A. Forbes. 1675. Duke of Ormond to Sir A. Forbes-holograph:

"S", "I was very glad to see yrs of the 28 of the last month, & no mention in it of the continuance of y' indisposition weh reporte had made more dangerous than I thank God it is; that very day our ffriend S Robert Muray died sudainly after a very strange maner of wch you have doubtlesse heard from other hands. It is true I tould my Ld Aungier that I thought very injust & mutinous use had bin made of some letters you had shewen here, but I never heard that any letters writen by y'self had bin exposed to that misfortune. Touching the other story concerning my La Lauderdaell & me, all I know is that I have bin tould his Grace should say that S Arthur Forbes would cary himself so dextrously betwixt him & the Duke of Ormond as that at last nether of them would trust him, to wch the answer I then made was, and the assureance I now give you is, that his Grace was very much mistaken if hee sayd so, & that it was not in his or in any body's power to make mee mistrust Sr Art. fforbes of any thing not becomeing a man of honour. Whether this was sayd by his Grace or no, or whether this bee the thing meant by my La Aungier, I cannot tell, but I am sure my answer was as I here tould you, & you may bee sure I am, with all reallity, "Yr most affectionat humble servant, ORMOND."

"Clarendon House, 8 July 75.

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"You had had this letter a post sooner, but that I wayted on the King to see the fleete, wch is stronger, beter mand, & every way beter provided then it was when it first went out. God send it good successe! The Counte de Shomberg comands the fforces if any shall come, & not the Duke of Buckingham; his Grace may employ himself very usefully at Black-Heath, where order and discipline is much wanting."

1675. Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to Sir A. Forbes-holograph:

London, Sept. 25, 1675.

"S", "There hath hapned a thing of some importance here weh in regard it relates to Ireland, & some persons may officiously write over & perhaps in such termes as may be to the disadvantage of a great person here who hath appeared much my friend & done me severall good offices, I conceive it may not be amiss yt your selfe of whom I have a most perticular esteem do know the truth that so you may do right to the person concerned in case any storys be raised to his prejudice. On Thursday Mr. Pits, comptroler to the Duke, being called to the committee appointed by his Maj. to consider of the proposals for the new farme; he behaved himselfe in so unhandsome a manner as I have never seen the like, speaking in most rude & indecent termes to Mr. Secretary Coventre, & to my Lord Treasurer, & to the latter with most unworthy reflections; on Friday he was called again, the King himselfe being present, where he behaved himselfe still worse then before, & being pressed to explain wt he ment by the words directed to my Ld Treasurer he said that weh he had to offer was upon the collections he had made by that wch he had heard from others, & being further urged to speake out & tell the substance of wt he had to object, after many

shiftings he said that my Ld Treasurer had an understanding wth some of those who treated for the ffarme. My Ld Treas. behaved himself very worthily on the occasion, & the other rather like a madman then one who understood wt he attemptd. His Maj. has appointed to morrow in the afternoon to hear the business. I am confident some by ends has provoked Pits to do whe has done, & 'tis fit he should smart severyly for it if he fail (wch I have good grounds to beleeve he will do) in his proofs. Tis late, & therefore I give you but this imperfect account to prevent misinformation, "I am, y' most affectionat and most humble servant, 66 ESSEX."

1675. Account of Viscount Granard's half-year's pay as Marshal of His Majesty's army of Ireland, ending at Michaelmas, 1677.

1667-8, February 25. Duke of Ormond to Arthur Lord Viscount Granard, Marshal of Ireland, to order several companies of foot now under his command in the north to return to their respective garrisons.

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1685, July 27-Blessinton. Michael Boyle, Primate of Ireland, to Earl Granard respecting communication to earl of Sunderland. Marriage on that day of "ye fayre young lady Lord Granard's daughter.' 1685. Michael Boyle, Primate, Chancellor, and Lord Justice of Ireland, to Earl of Granard-holograph: "My Lord, "Dublin, Aug. 29, [16] 85. "My Lord Tirconel being wth me this morning tels me that ye forte of Maryborough is in ye hands of greate phanatiques, both Governor & Deputy Governor, & he would advise that Capt" Hudson who is quartered in that towne wth his dragoones, may be orderd to make yt forte his garrison, of ye fitness whereof I am much convinced because uppon enquiry I finde yt forte wholy neglected & almost uninhabited. The wals of ye house much decayd, & as I heare yt timber of ye King's house yt was therein caryed away & the house demolished. I have thereupon signed the enclosed,* yt if yr Ge shall aprove thereof & signe it, it may be returned by ye post unto, my La,

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yr Gee's very faythfull & very humble servt,

"MICH. ARMACH. C." "For the Rt Honoble the Earle of Granarde, one of his Mtics Lord Justices for ye Governt. of Ireland, at Castleforbes, Mullingar."

1691, May 23--Dublin Castle.

"Instructions for

Earl Granard, Governor of County of Westmeath." Signed: Charles Porter, Tho. Coningsby.

1704. Verses by Lady Jane Champagné on death of her brother Arthur Lord Forbes (eldest son of second earl of Granard), who was killed in the battle of Hochstedt 1704.

1715-18. Letters and despatches to Lord Forbes when he commanded in Minorca, from Mr. Stanhope, Addison, Lord Stair, Craggs, and Viceroy of Sardinia. Papers on forces of Minorca.

1718, Papers on Admiralty of Holland; people and revenue of Venice.

1718. Sept. 30-London. Lord Forbes to the Abbé at Vienna.

1719. Lord Forbes to Marquis Rialpe at Vienna. 1718-21. Letters connected with entrance of Admiral Forbes into service of the Emperor for formation of Marine in the Adriatic.

Parti de la projet pour la marine proposé [par George Lord Forbes].

Eclaircissement de quelques points reportés dans les différens mémoires présentés par My Lord Forbes. Replique de my Lord Forbes aux articles.

Relation d'une routte de Sestri de Levante a Borgo val di Taro a Fornovo.

Documents on revenue of Bucari.

1731. Lord Forbes' notes on English sailcloth compared with foreign, also papers on English canvas, cordage, &c.

1731. Papers connected with Leeward Islands, and appointment of Lord Forbes as Captain General or Commander-in-Chief there.

1732. Correspondence of Monsieur de Chauvlin, minister at Paris, with M. Magnon, employed by court of France at Petersburg in secret negociations for alliance.

1733. Letters from Admiralty and Lord Harrington to Lord Forbes at St. Petersburg while King's envoy in Russia.

1733. Letters from Woodward and Count Wacher

• Missing.

beche, Warsaw, and Mr. Robinson, Vienna, with answers from Lord Forbes.

Points pour un traité de commerce mutuel proposé par Lord Forbes, ministre plénipotentiaire de sa Majesté Britannique à St. Petersbourg, le 8 Août, 1733.

Réponses à ces points de la part des ministres de la Russie; folio.

Observations

Various papers on Russian commerce. sur la longitude de Kamchatka et de Tobolsk. 1733-4. Letters from Copenhagen and Stockholm to Lord Forbes at Petersburg, with his answers.

1734. Letters from Count Osterman to Lord Forbes, with answers of the latter.

Copies of letters addressed to King of England on his navy.-Undated.

1754. Letters of Lord Granard, Dublin, to Admiral Forbes.

1761. Papers connected with the Mullingar election. 1770-Portarlington. Rev. Dean Arthur Champagné to the Honourable John Forbes, on history of family of Forbes.

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"After my Lord of Ormond had passed near 70 years in different fortunes, another surge of favour set him a fourth time in the government of Ireland; he began the world low, for his grandfather came colatoraly to his title, and his predecessor Thomas (called the Black Earl) had left a daughter who marryed the Lord Dingiule, Earl of Desmond, and as heir general began a furious contest with my Lord of Ormond for the inheritance. This debate was, after much expence, referred to the determination of King James the 1st, and each party gave bonds of 100,000l. to stand to his award, but when it was, the partition was so favour'ble to the Lord Desmond, who was his countryman, and one he had raised, that the Earl of Ormond would not submit to it, which occasioned his being imprisoned in the where

for many years he lived very poorly. In this time the Duke of Ormond was born in London, while the Lord Thurles solicited the liberty of the old Earl; being yet very young his father was drowned passing into Ireland, and near the same time and in the same manner the Earl of Desmond, the latter leaving but one daughter, about 3 years younger than the young Lord Thurls, whose wardship was given to my Lord of Holland & she taken into his family. Some time after the old Earl of Ormond likewise dying, his grandson, who had been taken from his mother and bred a protestant in my Lord of Canterbury's family, succeeded to his title and quarrell, but the sight of an agreeable young lady of an age so suitable to his, and of such a fortune, changed his animosity into a nobler passion, and made him think a divine fitter to end their difference than a judge. In this view he gained by money some of my Lord of Holland's and of her servants, and got into her acquaintance; he was a very handsome youth, the consideration of his person, of his name, the lowness of his fortune, were apt to work compassion, and the reflecting that she being the cause of his misfortunes might with herself end them, that it would be generous as well as just in her to do so, and make her be adored in a family nobler than her father's, of which she was now the horror, did so soften her tender heart, and she gave the young Earl marks of her pity; he began to think himself very happy and secure of re-establishing his family, but those hopes proved but very short lived."

The following passages illustrate the character of the volume :

"My Lord of Ormond and Anglesey had always been of different partys, Anglesey had in King Charles the first time adher'd to the Parliament, he was the first of the Commissioners who received the sword, and city of Dublin from my Lord of Ormond when the King was a prisoner, and was a violent man in the House of Commons against the royal family. However, being with many others instrumental in the King's Restoration, he was made an Earl and had considerable clauses in the Act of Settlement in his favour; upon the executing of these my Lord of Ormond and he had some clashing, each driving his own interest or that of his friends, and it was impossible but in some cases they would interfere, at that time he was Vice-Treasurer of Ireland an employm

that was then worth 5 or 6000l. a year, and his approaching so near a competition with the Duke made it the harder for them to keep friends, there being little real friendship at court betwixt such as are equal. This employment he resigned to Sir George Carteret, and lived privately in England, but the King being pressed by the factions, and charged with introducing popery, and arbitrary power, made him Privy Seal, as a man that had always been in opposition to both, and yet one he thought would comply very far for his interest, and who might be useful to him in the House of Peers, being very knowing in records and presedents of Parliament, of a good tongue, & one who had an excellent faculty in writing. Some time after, and discreetly in the heat of the plot, my Lord Castlehaven took occasion to write and print an account of the war of Ireland in which he had been concerned, justifying the Irish in many respects. The Privy Seal, glad of an occasion to make his court to the Parliament, who began to strike at him, took upon him to answer this, and in confuting his book did (out of his way) bring a cruell charge against my Lord of Ormond of his evil conduct and neglect of the Protestant interest at that time. By this means, with the same action, taking revenge of an enemy, and making his court to a prevailing faction. When my Lord of Ormond saw this pamphlet he wrote a letter to my Lord Privy Seal, from Kilkenny, in which he charged him with the injustice of his proceeding, and after telling him he seemed to take pattern by the mercenary libellers of the age, with other very sharp reflections, protested against the account of the actions of that time in a history he was then writing, that was much talked of, as having in this pamphlet given a sample the Parliament at Oxford, and asserted the cause of his of his insincerity. At this time the King had dissolved friends with more vigour than before, which I believe made my Lord of Ormond think the Privy Seal would knock under the table, and not push forward this quarrel, but instead of that, he received a letter from him in answer to his, as well writ and better in every paragraph as wit and rage could make it; both these letters were extremly good of the kind, for whatever advantage my. Lord of Ormond might have in a gentleman unaffected style, the other yielded nothing to it in sharpness and good sense; but how unseemly was it to see letters printed and cary'd about the streets, wherein two men the most to be respected of any in the kingdom for their employments, their quality, and their age treated each other as these did; surely this could not have been done in any other country but England or any other time than that. All things concurred to Anglesey's ruin, for besides the strength of his enemys and his having no friends, ye court want his privy seal for the Lord Hallifax who had done it such service, so that when my Lord of Ormond put in a petition to the King in Council (in which, saying nothing of himself, he charged him with having reflected upon the memory of King Charles the 1st in his pamphlet to Castlehaven) and that a day was appointed for him to answer, he, seeing that the matter was set against him, and struggling would do him no good, did not appear, pretending to be sick, but sent a letter complaining of his hard treatment, in which he said that a dagger struck to his old loyal heart could not grieve him so as to have such a charge heard against him. This wrought no compassion, his seals were sent for and given as was before resolved.

"While the above-mentioned letters were passing, my Lord of Ormond, who was at Killkenny, in some leasure, writt a relation of the war of Ireland, and of those transactions in which he bore so great a part; every week as it came from his hand, he showed it me in loose sheets, and seemed resolved to publish it as soon as he went into England. Tho' I liked what he writ, I did not approve of that design, and I told him I feared it might be dangerous to do it so soon, for that my Lord of Anglesey who had long laboured at the history of those times, which was believed almost ready for the press, wo'd not fail to take advantage of it, let it be writt with never so much sincerity and caution, and a man who had so much malice and so bitter a pen, would find some occasion to expose it in a work that it was probable might last, whereas if he let his history come first abroad, he gained the advantage he otherwise gave. I know not if it were these or other reasons that weighed with him, but I have heard nothing since of those papers."

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"In the time of the King's exile, my Lord Granard]. being in arms for him in the highlands of Scotland, contracted a friendship with my Lord Argyll, then Lord Lorn, who had engaged in the same case, tho' his father was so notoriously against it; this kindness was so real,

letters should be writ, that my Lord Granard being frighted with the story of Argyle, might the easier be brought to do whatever was desired of him. This contrivance did not miss of success, for as soon as he came to London, and that the first he talked to increased his fears, Col. Talbot] got him, and with great demonstrations of kindness inforced to him the injury he had received not having a regiment of horse in Ireland, how the King was resolved to modell the army in another manner, that he had advised him as the fittest man to inform him in what related to that kingdom, with much more to that purpose, and when he went about to excuse himself as to Argyle, he told him that tho' some about Court strove to make a business of that, the King or Duke took no notice of what rogues spoke that were condemned, having entire confidence in him, and long proof of his services; but all this while he set others to teaze him with the danger of that information, and to tell him how requisite it was for him to find some way to gain the Duke. My Lord Middleton] likewise, who did not care for my Lord of Or[mond], being embarked with another party helping this forward, and his own ambition drawing where his fear drove him, he encouraged the King in the design he had to reform the army of Ireland, and gave him a list of officers not qualified for their employments, which list was what Talbot] had first given him, tho' he seemed not to appear in the matter; when this was done, which was what was asked, he is made an Earl, declared injured by the informat" of rogues, and is sent home again, this being to be kept secret, untill my Lord of Or[mond] was removed with the rest, and none thought he had more reason to keep it so than the new Earl, who besides deserting an interest which confided in him, and he had always pretended to adhere to & assert, had duped himself, and taken pains to put himself from being Lieut Generall, which must come to be a necessary consequence of what he had done."

that when my Lord G[ranard] was taken prisoner there, he was ransomed by Lord Lorn, when none else had any consideration for him; this friendship continu" after the Restoration, untill the tryall, condemnation, & escape of the latter. I always thought my Lord G[ranard] was not enough concerned for that unfortunate man, after the obligations he had to him, and have sometimes told him that I wonder'd he did not go and fall at the king's feet to procure some tenderness for him; he told me it was what he would do if there was any prospect of serving him by it, but the prosecution of him was a matter of state, & his intercession in that manner might do himself hurt, and could be of no use to my Lord Argyle. Being at London with him in the year [16] 82, my Lord Argyle being said at that time to be in Switzerland, a stranger in a plain habit came one morning into his chamber, and gave him a note without a name, which he read and could make nothing of, so that he sent the bearer away somewhat roughly as a man that had a mind to banter him out of money; the man in going out hoised his shoulders and mutter'd some complaints of the misfortune of such as depended upon old friendship; soon after, I coming into the room, my Lord told me how a fellow had a mind to get some money of him, and showed me the note, which I could make nothing of, no more than he; however, I found it had a certain air that methink it might have something more in it than we knew, and I advised him not to throw it away; he took my advice, and next day he told me he had shewed it to Col1 H who immediately judged it must come from my Lord Argyle, & my Lord said he was confirmed it was so, seeming much concerned that he had sent the bearer away so rudely, Argyle's former kindness to him deserving another treatment, whatever he might deserve from the Crown. I was privy to no more of this transaction at that time, but it happened that my Lord Granard] being very desirous to make amends for this proceeding with a man that he owed so much to, did not rest 'till by the means of my Lord Murray], his son-in-law, he found out he was in London, and had notice sent to him, so that a meeting was appointed; he found him in some retired part of the city, he dined with him, and stayed some hours, there being 2 or 3 more in company. I know not if he saw him after, or what passed at that betwixt them, but Lord Gra[nard] has since told me he advised him with much earnestness to trust to the King and Duke's goodness, whose minds wo'd change in relation to him, and not to think by any violent ways to help himself, and yet his answers were such as fully answer'd him he would never join in rebellion, however, 'tis apparent since, those were not his thoughts. This meeting, how secret soever it was carryed on, was known quickly by others of the disaffected, whom it is probable Argyle told it to, to encourage them by so considerable a support, for tho' I am confident that engaging with him in any criminal thing was very far from the intentions of the Lord Granard], who was moved to this interview merely out of a principle of generosity and gratitude, yet a man so desperate as Argyle was, would be apt to make use of it to another end, as I believe he did, and by this means Walcot and some others who were executed soon after, having correspondence with Argyle, amongst other discoverys they made, named my Lord Granard] as one who favoured their party, and who, had there been any commotion, was to head a considerable body in the north of Ireland, he having concerted this with my Lord Argyle] in London, where he had met and dined with him, they telling the rest of the compy with several circumstances. When my Lord G[ranard] had an account of this from London, he was not a little startled; the latter part being true, it was hard for him to excuse himself, as to the rest, and what he done in seeing in private a man attainted and outlawed for high treason, and who, as appeared after, was at that time contriving against the Government, was a great crime by the law, and so much he could not disown, while he was in the greatest uneasiness upon this account, being at the Curragh of Kildare with my Lord of Or[mond], he received two letters from England together, one from Sr Rob Howard], which told him somebody had charged him with this matter, desiring him by all means to hasten over, the other was from my Lord Middleton], which, without mentioning any particular, desired him to come for England, seeming to infer that such a journey would be for his advantage; he shewed the last of these letters to my Lord of Or[mond], who I found did not at all like it, and his son owned to me (he not knowing anything of his interview with my Lord Argyle) that he apprehended it was to drive somewhat towards the removal of his father, nor was he mistaken in his conjecture, it being contrived that these two

The author's last entries of his transactions in England, 1685-6, are as follow:

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'While the new Lord Lieutt waited at Holyhead for a wind my Lord Tyrconnel], to shew his neglect of him, hired a ship and went to Chester, and about a fortnight after my Lord Clarendon] was sworn, I went likewise for England, as well to pay what I ought to the King as to meet my sons that were to come out of France. His Majesty received me very well, but I soon found there were designs of changing most of the army in Ireland, and that the war was kindled against the Hydes; the King taken me into his closet, and questioned me very particular about the officers of my regim of whom I could give no ill character, tho' I found he wished and expected I would; by that, entertainments, and many other things, I saw I should meet great mortifications in Ireland, to avoid which, and at the same time to preserve my integrity and my employment, I co'd see no better way than to spend the summer with my son in Hungary. I proposed this to the King, who readily agreed to it, and Coll' R. Forbes resolving on the same journey, we provided some more horses than what we had brought from Ireland, and having sent them with my son and kinsman some days before, left London together the 12th of April. Having been for some time sensible of the persecutions of my Lord D[anby], who strove on all occasions to feel his resentments for what was past by imposing upon my office, and the great rates he made us pay for powder and bad arms to the Tower, giving me ground enough, I resolved before I left London to let him see I was not to be injured safely, and being well prepared for it, put in a proposal to the King, by which I offer'd to furnish his magazines in Ireland with powder and much better arms, of which I produced patterns, that should be made in that kingdom, at a 4th part less charge than was payed for them to the Tower; to this proposal Lord Danby] and his officers gave a long answer, and I was to reply in two days. I apply'd myself to it, and got my paper ready in time, which I believe they did not expect, and had a long hearing before the Cabinet Council, all his officers appeared against me, and we' debated the matter about two hours, at last having frighted his Lordship, and convinced the most knowing at the Board that I was in the right, to my great contentment it was given against me, tho' it would have been of honour, and of advantage to my employment, I saw the danger as things went of carrying what I desired, and the morning had agreed with my Lord Treasurer that tho' I wo'd shew my Lord D[anby], I would not be imposed upon, I wo'd be content not to explain myself too much, so all partys were pleased, and from that hour my Lord D. has been my very good friend. We landed at the Brille the 26th April (Ñew Stile).

The remainder of the book is occupied with an account of the parts which the author and his companions took in 1686 as volunteers against the Turks at the siege of Buda, at which he tells us there were "men of quality "from all nations of Europe," and here Sir Robert Forbes, son of the first Earl of Granard, was mortally wounded.

Although the author of this volume does not mention his own name or title, the work appears to me, from various passages in it, to have been written by Sir William Stewart, first Viscount Mountjoy, while a prisoner in the Bastille in 1688-9. This nobleman's mother, Catherine, after the death of her first husband, remarried with the first Earl of Granard, to whom her son Alexander was granted in ward. Sir Alexander Stewart was created Viscount Mountjoy in 1682, held the office of Master-General of the Ordnance in Ireland, and was Colonel of a regiment of horse. On the accession of James II. he was regarded by the Jacobites as head of the disaffected party in Ulster. Burnet, after observing that the latter "wanted a head," tells us that the Lords of Granard and Mountjoy were their chief military men, in whom they confided most; and Bishop King speaks of Mountjoy as "the likeliest man to head "them." In January 1688-9, Mountjoy and Baron Rice went as Commissioners from Ireland to James II. in France, where the former was committed to the Bastille, and detained there till exchanged for Richard Hamilton. Lord Mountjoy fell at the battle of Steinkirk in 1692. The fact of his having left the interesting narrative, now noticed, appears to have been hitherto unknown to historic investigators.

2. "Diary of Lord Forbes while envoy from Great Britain to Russia, commencing 10 May 1733 and ending 7 June 1734. Folio.

Extracts.

"1733, May ye 10. Thursday, a little after nine in the morning his Lordship came on board the Charlot yacht at Dedford, which yacht was appoynted to carry his Lordship on board the Lowestoff man-of-warr at the Nore. This ship was appoynted to carry his Lordship to St. Petersburg. The yacht weigh at half-past nine and fel down with the first of the ebb, there being little wind veering betwixt the N.E. and S.E. Wee past by the Tuscany galley in which was embarked his Lordship's coaches, plate, and part of his equipage, the rest of his Lordship's equipage and all his servants being embarked on board the Lowestoff. At two in the afternoon the tide being spent, anchored at Eriff, little wind at S.E. At seven weigh again, and at one in the morning anchored off Lee.

"1733, May ye 28. Monday, at one this morning had 28 fathom, at 2, it being fair day light, I began to write this day's journal, and last night could see to read till 10 o'clock. Fair weather, fresh gale at W., stood E., at 3 stood E.S.E. to make the land, 25 minutes after 3 saw the sun above the horizon, at 4, 15 fathom, soon after made the land S.E. by S., about 5 leagues of, at 6 being within 2 leagues of the land perceivd it to be Robsnuit. Steer'd away N.E. by E. within four miles of the shore. At noon abreast of the Scaw, lattitude by observation 57 43m, several ships standing as we did, and 9 sails plying out, at half-past 12 halled up S.E. about the Scaw, wind at W.N.W., at half-past 5 being past the Trindels halled up S. by E., at 11 being past Anvows halled up S.

"1733, May ye 31. Thursday, wet weather, waited on Count Pless and Mons' Blome Regts in the absence of the King of Denmark, and on the younger Count Pless, Great Chamberlain, none of them at home. Mr. Brackel, the Russian Minister, sent to invite himself to dine with me at Mr. Titley; Mr. Cuiman, the Dutch Minister, left his name at my door; spent the evening and supt by invitation at the elder Count Pless, the threasurer.

"1733, June ye 1rst. Friday, saw the arsenal, and if I counted right, there was about 800 pieces of brass canons, great and small, with shot, carts and carriages for most of them, and all proper furnitures, 118 brass mortars, great and small, besides several cannons and mortars of iron, 40,000 fire-locks and carabines with bayonets, swords, pistols, and cuiraces in proportion, all well disposed and in good order. I dined with the younger Count Pless by invitation, afterwards payd a visit to Mr. Cuyman and Mr. Brackel.

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1733, June ye 8. Friday, fine weather, little wind at W. by N., the captain came on board at one this morning, could not tell whether they should return the salute from the place, but offered to do it from the ships; Admiral Gordon wrote to me and sent me a letter from Mr. Rondeau. At three we weighed and anchored again within a mile at Crownstat, past seven Admiral Gordon

came on board to see me, receivd him at the side with a guard and beat of drum, could not agree about the. salute, but saluted him with 17 guns when he went away. Vice Admiral Saunders and Commodore Vilboy came afterwards to visit me, saluted them with 13 guns. At 7 Mr. Rondeau, the King's Resident, came to see me; we went immediately on shore together, but calld by the way on board the Alexandra, a Russia man-of-warr of 70 guns, that I might repay Admiral Gordon his visit; at parting from the Admiral he saluted me with three cheers and 17 guns, layd this night at Admiral Gordon's house in Crownstat.

"1733, June the 21. Thursday, returned all the rest of the Foreign Ministers' visits but the visit of Mr. Swarts, which was made to me this day in the afternoon. Went by water to the Monastery of Alexander Nefskey, 7 verses [sic] of to see the corps of the Dutchess of Mecklenbourg lying in state there.

"1733, June ye 26. Tuesday, the Dutchess of Mecklenbourg was buried at the Monastery of Alexander Nepsky with great pomp and ceremony; endeavoured to see Count Osterman, but he excused himself.

"June ye 27. Wednesday, the anniversary of the battle of Pultova which was kept hollyday and celebrated by firing of the cannon from the Castle. At 7 in the evening Mr. Kelderman, Secretary in the College for forreign affairs, came to tell me that I was to have an audience of Her Majesty to morrow at ten a clock, on. which I sent him to Count Osterman and obtained an audience of him, and afterwards sent the Count a coppy of the discourse I was to make to Her Majesty.

"1733, July ye 1rst. Sunday, at past ten a clock went to the Summer Palace to take an audience of Her Majesty; Mr. Rondeau was with me in the coach, and my audience very private. In the evening went to wait on Count Osterman; General Count Levenvold set out for Warsaw this morning at 2 of the clock.

"1733, July 10. Tuesday, Her Majesty reviewed a regiment of cuirassiers, they were well mounted and armed, were all in buff westcoats with their cuirasses on, and scul caps over their hatts.

"1733, August 8. Wednesday, Count Osterman desired to speak with me at the cabinet; I delivered him the points for a treaty of commerce. A guard of a sergt & 16 men was sent to my house. "1733, September 3. Monday, Her Majesty reviewed her regiment of horse guards that arrived yesterday. from Riga, of which she is colonel.

"1733, October the 20. Saturday, wrote to Lord Harrington. Her Majesty went about the streets in her sledge, the Great Chamberlain & General Ushakoff standing behind it.

"1733, Novemb' 2. Friday, Her Majesty saw two bataillons of her foot guards exercised; a courier arrived from the army in Poland.

"1734, January the 3. Thursday, was shown at Court a very fine present from the Emperor of China, it was exposed in Her Majesty's bed chamber, consisted of bars of gold, china ware, & silks.

1734, January the 6. Sunday, the ceremony of blessing the waters, seven regiments drawn up on the river.

"1734, January the 27. Sunday, the Persian Ambassador made his entry, & arrived from Mosco with a train of about 60 persons.

"Jan. 28. Monday, Her Majesty's birthday. Entertainement at Court; the Persian Ambassador had his audience; a ball at Court & fireworks worth 8,000 R.

"1734, May 6. Monday, Count Osterman came to see me, and gave me the Czarina's letter for the King, together with the translation into English, both of them in a red box. In the afternoon Prince Courckin came to see me, and he brought a diamond ring from Her Majesty that she usually wore on her finger. (This ring was valued by a jeweller in London at 1,1007. ster', and he offerd 900 guineas).

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Soon after Kelderman (one of the Secretarys of the Chancery) brought me six thousand roubles as a present from Her Majesty, and told me it was the present usually made to Ambassadors, and that Her Majesty made it to me to distinguish me. I gave him fifty gold ducats, and sixty rubles to the guard that came with the money.

"1734, May 7. At 7 o'clock in the evening I left Petersburg and set out with two post waggons, a courier. of the cabinet, and two guards, all on horsback, to attend

me.

"1734, May 9. Thursday, ye roads very good; fine weather. At eight at night passed Derp 173 versts. This place and Nerva consists of part ancient, and part modern fortifications, but they are in very bad order. There is good drink in Livonia, and particularly at Derp, but no meat but what we carried with us.

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