it, as being one of those who had cleared the said Lord. Lord Coningsby said, if Mr. Bromley should be in the same condition, he should be glad to return his civility, and to clear him too, if he should appear as innocent upon an impeachment as he himself had done. Mr. Foley wonder'd at the comparison which La Coningsby had made between the conduct of the late Ministry and the Popish Plot, endeavouring to show that upon the worst construction the former fell infinitely short of the latter, and that there could be no high treason found in it. Mr. Aislaby said he wou'd begin with the words made use of in the late Treasurer's letter as inserted in the Report with relation to the Dutch (viz.) :-The warriours are driven out of their out-works & their last retrenchment [sic] is delay. He urged that since the private compromise for Monday next was not stood to by the gentlemen of the other corner, he thought all further delay was unreasonable. That no time ever had been given to such criminals accused to the House, as particularly in the last impeachment for the Partition Treaty, and in the case of my Lord Danby when impeached by Mr. Montague. That in this Report there were matters of as high treason as were ever charged against a minister, concluding for Monday or now.'

APPENDIX XXX.-TAXATION OF IRELAND, A.D. 1716. [Extracts.]

Some observations on the taxes pay'd by Ireland to support the Government.

Tis a gen11 opinion in Great Britain, and passes currant without contradiction, that Ireland is in a flourishing condition; that whilst England has bin oppressed and deeply sunk in debt by excessive taxes Ireland has bin at ease, contributed nothing to the support of the Governmt, and is not one shilling in debt; this I take to be a great reason of that ill affection that appears on many occasions against Ireland in the Parlem of Great Britain, and the occasion of several laws past there, which the people of Ireland look on as very hard upon them. But in answr to this I believe it may be demonstrated that Ireland, in proportion to the riches thereof, has contributed as much as Great Britain, if not more, to the support of the Crown and Governmt since the Revolution; this p'haps may be looked on as a paradox, but I believe it will not appear such to any one that will impartially consider the following p'ticulars.

1st. That the hardship of the taxes pay'd by subjects to support the Governm1 is not to be estimated by the quantity of the mony given, but by the proportion it bears to the substance of the p'son that gives it, as, for example, a person that is worth in substance but 201. and gives one pound out of it, gives as much in proportion and feels the hards'p of parting with it as much as another that is worth 20 thousand pounds and contributes one thousand out of it. Nay, the less a man's substance is, the more he must feel the parting with his proportional part; as, for example, suppose a man worth 20 thousand pounds and the publick shou'd require 19 thousand of it, yet he wou'd have one thousand left him, which wou'd prevent his starving & furnish him and his ffamily with the necessarys of life, but if a man be worth but 20 shill' and 19 be taken away 'tis impossible the remaining shill' shou'd subsist him & his family, and so in all probabilitie he must starve.

2dly. If we compare the riches of Ireland with yt of Great Britain we shall find that they do not bear the proportion of one to 13, this might be demonstrated from unanswerable arguments, I shall only mention one or two: first, if we compare the metropoles of the two kingdoms, that is, London and Dublin, we shall find about 13 times more houses in London than in Dublin; the houses of London are much better than those in Dublin, they are much better furnished, and the inhabitants much richer, in so much that perhaps one Alderman in London is richer then all those of Dublin, at least they are 13 times richer. If we look into the Custom houses of both kingdoms, we shall find a greater disproportion between the trade of the one and the other then 13 to one. And there want not those that affirm the riches of Great Britain to be at least 30 times more then the riches of Ireland, but I will take it to be but 13 times.

3dly. Let us see what Ireland has contributed to the support of the publick by way of taxes since it was settled after the Revolution, and we shall find that one year with another it has actually paid above 400,000l. And if we take in the management of the revenu above 450,000l. This will appear from the receits of the revenu, and if we put in the Trustee Act which

cost Ireland at least a million, it will appear that Ireland has contributed much more then this.

4thly. When Ireland pays 450,000l. Britain ought in p'portion to the riches thereof to have contributed 13 times as much, that is 5,850,000l., but that it has not done. Tis true that some years six or seven millions were raised, but they never paid actually five millions, but mortgaged funds to pay the interest of the rest; now for a man to mortgage his lands is not to pay his debts, whereas Ireland actually paid within the year their taxes, and by that means kept themselves clear of debts. I find several things alleged as if they made a disparity between the case of Britain and Ireland; the first is that a great part of the mony raised by the Parlemt in England was sent out of the kingdom to support the armies and pay the allys for the men put into the English service. Whereas the mony of Ireland was spent in the kingdom, and therefore the people were not impoverished by it so much as the inhabitants of

Britain.

As to the charges of England in reducing Ireland, I will allow that in the 3 years the warre continued it cost England five millions, tho', I believe, that is a great deal too much, this was the sum of the loss; now as to Ireland, I believe the rents of Ireland may be computed at 1,500,000l. p' annum, now take the landlords of Ireland one with another and 'twill be found that they lost four years rents at least by the warre, for tho' the Courts did not allow so much, yet many gents lands lay wast five or six years, or they got nothing out of them, and many set theirs at a riseing rent, that is of the old rent for 7 years, for the next 7, and then to come to the old rents; so that computing one place with another and one landlord with another, the loss coud not be less then 4 years of the whole, that is six millions if we adde the stocks of the cow kind, the sheep, and horses that were distroyed in the warre, these will amount at least to 3 millions more; by a certain computation there were in the diocese of Derry about 200,000 of the cow kind, 46,000 horses, besids sheep, hogs, goats, &c., of these there were left only 300 cows, 2 horses, 2 swine, and seven sheep; now if we compute those of the cow kind at 20 shill' a head and the horses one with another at 40 shill', in those 2 sorts there were lost to the valu of near 200,000l. in that one diocess, whereas the land there had in proportion much less stock than other parts of the kingdom and is not the 30th part of the whole. At the Revolution every one knows that Ireland was then overstocked and every 4 acres had at least a cow or what is equivalent to a full grown cow, and such cows can't be valued at less than 30 shill' one with another; if the stock was in horses or sheep, &c. it was much more; divide then 15,000,000 the number of profitable acres by 4, and the quotient is 3,750,000; multiply this by 30 and reduce it to pounds and it mak's 5,625,000l., the valu of the stock in 1688; but it is undeniable that at the conclusion of the warre of the stock did not remain, no not one 5th, and then you see that our loss in stock was much greater than I make it. Nor can it be said the stock was only driven from one part of the kingdom to another, for the distruction was universal, and so much that the grass was burnt in most places, there being no cattle to eat it, and yefore withered and being set on fire either by chance or designe, burnt in several places 20 miles, till some river or other accident stopped it. Let us adde to this the burning of houses and destruction of improvements which were reckoned to at least a million more and then the whole loss of Ireland come at least to 10 millions, which is double that of England in reducing it and for which no compensation was ever made. As to the loss of men, it is plain that dureing the 17 years of warre if we compute the Irish troops, private men, and officers that served the crown of England during that time, we shall find them at least to be double to the English subjects that were employed in the reduction of Ireland or were lost in it dureing the 3 years it continued, so that in this point England has bin repaid with interest.

Perhaps some will doubt of the truth of this representation of the miserable estate of the common people of Ireland, but whoever has been in their cabbins have seen the matter of fact to be so and can vouch the truth of it. There are two sort of men that I except against as incompetent witness in this case: first, such English gent. as come over into Ireland on visits or business, and 2dly such gent of Ireland as live in England or that tho' they live generally in Ireland yet are as much strangers to the common people and their way of living as if bread in Turkey. I know these two represent

Ireland as the most plentifull, luxurious countrey in Europe, and magnifie the excessive eating and drinking in it. To unfold the mysterie of this it must be observed that there are p'haps a thousand gent. in Ireland that live very splendidly, keep good tables, and make their frends welcome, when ther'fore a stranger comes to them they hospitally invites him, liberally entertain him, and do the best they can to make him welcome; thus he is feasted from house to house while he stays, and he returns into England full of the plenty and luxurie of Ireland. But he doth not consider that there are 300 thousand ffamilies in Ireland, and among all these hardly a thousand live in that condition in which the gent. lives who entertained him, and for the good dinner he mett there, three hundred neighbours or tenants dine on a potato without salt. This and the plenty in the good houses in Dublin deceive most strangers and gives them conceptions of Ireland most distant from truth. Most strangers that come to Ireland go no further then that city and only converse with gents. or the richer sort there, and never are acquainted with the povertie of the rest which is very great; p'haps a third part of that citty need charity. As to the Irish gents. that go to England or live there, they often know little more than theire ffathers house or the city of Dublin, and are in truth strangers to the common way of living in that kingdom, or if they do know it, either shame or vanity make them conceal it as much they can, which I take to be source of infinite mischiefs to the countrey and p'vok's envy instead of pity in our neighbours of Great Britain. And p'haps many of the laws complain'd of in Ireland ow their being to this mistake. I know that lasiness is commonly objected to the Irish and this is made the ground of their povertie. I own that there are some whose ancestors had great estates and lost them in the several rebellions, being forfeited and seised by the English, who give occasion to this surmise; now the posterity of these men commonly preserve with care their genealogies and still reckon themselves gents. and look on it as the greatest debasement in the world to work or exercise any trade; they live yrefore, either by robbing or on there clans who still pay them a respect and maintain them after a sort, but the common Irish are laborious people, and if we set aside the holydays their religion injoins, they work as hard and as long as any in England. I confess not with the same success, for they have neither the assistance to labour nor the incouragement workmen have in England, their poverty will not furnish them with convenient tools, and so the same quantitie of work costs them p'haps twice the labour with which it is p'form'd in England; there are many accidental differences that increase their labour on them, as, for example, England is already enclos'd, and if a farmer have a mind to keep a field for medow, grazing, or plowing, it costs him no more but the shutting his gate, but the Irishman must fence his whole field every year or leave it in common, and the like saving of labour happens in the plow utensils in building houses and p'viding fireingNeither hath the Irishman that encouragement to labour as there is in England, he has no markett for his manufactories, if he build a good house or inclose his grounds, to be sure he must raise his rent or turn out at the end of a short lease. These and many other considerations make the Irishman's case very pitifull, and ought, as seems to me, to move compassion rather then anger or a severe condemnation. Upon the whole I do not see how Ireland can on the p'sent foot pay greater taxes then it does without starving the inhabitants and leaving them entirely without meat or clothes. They have already given their bread, their flesh, their butter, their shoes, their stockings, their beds, their house furniture and houses to pay their landlords and taxes, I cannot see how any more can be got from them, except we take away their potatoes and butter milk, or flay them and sell their skins.

ROTHE'S REGISTER OF THE ANTIQUITIES AND STATUTES OF THE TOWN OF KILKENNY.

It will be regarded as somewhat remarkable that a work of large extent on the history of an important town in Ireland, laboriously compiled by one of its chief legal officials towards the commencement of the 17th century, from public and private sources, should have been apparently unknown to historic and literary inquirers. The circumstances will not appear the less peculiar when I mention that the work is an unique collection of historical materials connected with Kilkenny, the antiquities of which have for some years

past, through its local archæological institution, been made the subjects of diligent research and widely circulated inquiries.

The volume which has lain in complete obscurity to the present time consists of 133 leaves of vellum of large folio size, with the following title :

66

A Register or Breviat of the Antiquities & Statuts of the towne of Kilkenny, with other antiquities collected by me, Robert Rothe, of the same, Esquier, as well out of severall books, charters, evidences, and rolls belonging to the said towne, as also out of the Statuts and Cronicles of England & Ireland, and in especiall out of two books belonging to the said towne, thone called the *olde Redd Booke written in parchment, which in the notes and referrments of this booke is called Liber Primus by cause it is the first and auncientest book I can find amongest the Records of this towne, and the second is called the White †Booke written in paper, which in the referments of this booke is called Liber Secundus, also out of the cronicles of Ireland made by John Hooker contayning as it is nowe printed a hundred fourscore & one pages or sides which in all are fourscore and eleaven leaves, the first parte whereof is called the Conquest of Ireland, and the last the Cronicles of Ireland, bothe whiche neverthelesse for avoiding the farther troble of the reader I name in this booke Liber Conquest‡, that is to say, the booke of the conquest, referring all to one generall title, and lykewise I have collected out of an Auncient booke or Cronicle somtyme belonging to the gray ffrerie of Kilkenny written in velom in a faire attenticque hand by a friar called §Clyn div'se notes woorthy to be remembred, wch booke was shewed unto me by S Richard Shee, knight, and remaineth at this present in his custody, and the rest for the more part are gathered out of the cronicles of Hollinsede and Grafton, and also oute of sundry rolls and evidence belonging to my self and to divers other gentlemen and burgesses of this towne, whose names appeare in this booke in the severall notes delivered by them unto me."

Robert Rothe was the first recorder of Kilkenny, under the charter by which James I. in 1609 advanced that town to the dignity of a city. In the preceding two centuries the office of sovereign of Kilkenny had been occasionally filled by members of the Rothe family.

Before entering on a description of this work some observations may be made on the manuscript sources from which it was partly compiled.

The "old red book called liber primus," now somewhat damaged, but still extant at Kilkenny, was described by me in Appendix to the First Report of the Historical Commission, page 129. The fragment now possessed by the Kilkenny corporation of the white book 66 or liber secundus" has lost nearly all the matter transcribed from it in the present volume by Rothe.

The manuscript communicated to Rothe by Sir Richard Shee, which had belonged to the Franciscan monastery at Kilkenny, may have been the now missing original of the compilation made by Friar John Clyn in that house in the fourteenth century.

Among the gentlemen and burgesses whose documents are quoted in various parts of Rothe's book the following are specially named by him: Patrick Archer, Patrick Archer Fitz Thomas, Walter Archer, John Fitz Lewes Bryn, James Grace, Adam Lawless, David Savage, and James Shortale of Ballylorcan.

Rothe cites and gives extracts also from many instruments in his own custody as well as in the common treasury of the town of Kilkenny, including those of the dissolved Franciscan monastery granted on its dissolution to that commonalty.

On the back of the first page are two entries. 1. Extract from Liber 1, page 1a. act in French of A.D. 1230, for annual election of sovereign and council.

2. Memorandum that James by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the fayth, etc. by his highnes lettres patents bering date at Westminster the xith day of April, in the seaventh yeare of his highnes rayne of England

Ffryer Clynn's booke."

At folio 70 b. under A.D. 1465 is entered a writ of Thomas FitzMaurice, Earl of Kildare, chancellor, and Sir Roland Fitz-Eustace, lord of Portlester, treasurer of Edward IV., in Ireland, setting forth that "much at the bussy and greate instance of John Rothe," burgess of Kilkenny, that town gave unto them nine butts of wine when of late they were there "with a puissant [force] of people, for noe ill will of the "inhabitants there, as God it knowes, but onely for the good wele of English rule of this land and the unitye of obedience of the Kinge our soveraign lord his liege people in this his land of Ireland, as it "well apperith by our demeaninge there"; xxth of May, 6 Edward IV.

France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the two-andfortieth. In consideration of the true and faithfull service heretofore don by the corporation of Kilkenny to the crowne of England hath incorporatid the said towne of Kilkenny by the name of maior and cittizens, and made the same towne and all the liberties and franchises thereof an entier countie (distinct and separatid from the countie of Kilkenny) by the name of the countie of the citty of Kilkenny lymitinge the bounds of the same as far as the uttermoste meares of the fowre parishes thereof do extend. And granted unto the said maior and cittizens authorities to elect a nominat yeerley twoo sheriffs and twoo corroners for the said city and countie thereof, with divers other liberties and privileges incerted in the said charter as by the same charter more at large may appere.

The first leaf is followed by three without pagination containing the following:-The oath of the maior; statute for ordering of the revenues of the city. "The said statute appereth in fo. 221 of the greate booke b." Maior whilst in office not to take lands. Statute appereth in fo. 232 of the said booke b. Old maior to be justice of the peace. The oath of the justice of the peace. The oath of the sheriffs. The oath of the corroners. The oath of the alderman. The oath of the recorder. The oath of the clerke of the Tolsell. The oath of obedience to be ministered upon the Friday after Michaelmas yearly to every free man. The oath of the free man. The oath of the servants of the maire. The oath of the constabells. The oath of the master and wardens of the companies. The oath of the portref. These three numbered leaves appear somewhat more modern than the rest of the volume, the contents of which may be described as follows:

Folios 2 & 3. Latin annals quoted from li. I., f. 29 b, with interpolations in English; notices of Richard Strongbow and his daughter Isabel, wife of William Maréchal, senior, and their children. Charter of William Maréchal to Kilkenny.

Fol. 4 a. Memorandum in English on coronation of Philip Augustus and armorial bearings of peers of France.

Fol. 4 b. Latin annals 1132, 1221, from li. I., ff. 29, 30, and 31. Charter of William Maréchal, junior, to Kilkenny, 1223, from li. I., f. 4 a.

Fol. 5 a. Obits of Maréchal family, partition between their heiresses and annals to 1272, from li. I., f. 4 a, 28 b, 30 a, 31 a, &c.

Fol. 5 b. Grant to burgesses of Kilkenny of freedom of custom, A.D. 1275, 8 July, 3. Ed. I., li. 1, f. 4 b.

Fol. 6 a. Order in French from Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hereford, addressed to his seneschal of Kilkenny and his treasurer there on purveyance of victuals, fifth of May, 4 Ed. I.

Fol. 6b. From this leaf most of the pages are ruled into spaces for each consecutive year, commencing with 1277. Some of these spaces are blank or only partially filled, while others are entirely covered with matter from the sources mentioned on the title-page.

Fol. 11 b. Divisio comitatus Kilkennie inter filias domini Gilberti de Clare, comitis Gloucestrie: Proparte domini Hugonis De Spenser et Elinore, uxoris ejus. Fol. 12 a. Feodum militum in Ouerke.

Proparte Hugonis de Audeley et Margarete uxoris ejus.

Feodum militum, li. I., f. 25 b.

Fol. 12 b. Proparte domini Rogeri Damari et Elizabeth uxoris ejus.

Feodum militum, li. I., f. 26 b.

The leaves from 13 a to 18 b are headed "Transcript of an auncient roll." This is an annalistic and genealogical account of the Maréchal family and their descendants, together with details under the following titles:

"Particio terrarum et tenementorum que fuerunt Walteri Mareschalli in Hibernia facta inter heredes ipsorum Walteri et Anselmi in curia domini regis Henrici tercii regis Anglie, anno regni sui tricesimo primo, tertio die Maii, apud Wodstock: Pars Matilde Comitisse de Northfolke et Waryn, primogenite filie et sororis ipsorum Walteri et Anselmi; Pars Johanne de Monte Ĉaniso; Pars Richardi de Clare comitis Gloucestrie; Pars Agnete de Vessy et sex sororum suarum; Pars Matilde (filie Eve filie Wilhelmi Mareschalli) de Mortuo mari."

Details of marriages and descendants of Matilda, Johanna, Isabella, Sibilla, and Eva, daughters of William Maréchal.

Fol. 15 b. Extenta comitatus libertatis Kilkennie, videlicet particio ejusdem anno 1295, 23 Edw. i.

Propars Hugonis de Spenser junioris et Alienore,

uxoris ejus, de terris et tenementis que fuerunt comitis Gloucestrie et Hereford in Hibernia.

De feodis militum que fuerant prefati comitis in Hibernia.

Fol. 16 a. Propars Hugonis Audele junioris et Margarete uxoris ejus.

Feodum militum, etc.

Fol. 16 b. Propars Elizabethe de Burgo.
Feoda militum.

Fol. 17 a. Regale servicium tocius comitatus domino regi reddendum xliiii. li. viii s. x d. ob. Summa cujuslibet propartis xiiii. li. xvi s. x d. ob.

Grant of Edward I. to Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and his wife Johanna.-Westminster, 27th May, 18th year,-1290.

66

Fol. 17 b. Latin Annals commencing: "Ab origine "mundi usque ad nativitatem Domini quinque m. c. nonaginta novem." The concluding entries are on fol. 18 b. as follow: "Anno Domini MCCCCVIII, in die Martis xx, viz. in crastino Sancti Barnabe, Apostoli, Arthurus Mc Morreghowe domitavit Fothard, Bargy et magnam partem destruxit et combussit earundem et pernoctavit apud Ballytery et in crastino ante recessum combussit Ballytery.

Anno eodem, sexto die mensis Septembris, idem dominus Stephanus Scrope viam universe carnis ingressus est apud Tristildermot in Hibernia.

Anno MCCCLXXXII in die Sancti Kenelmi, regis et martiris, Jacobus le Botiler, comes Ormonie, fecit conflictum super Hibernicos apud Thascoffyn in comitatu Kilkennie in quo fuerunt occisi sexcenti de hominibus Mc Morchowe.

Anno sequenti in festo Sancti Luce, Evangeliste, idem comes diem clausit extremum apud Knocktopher.

66

Anno MCCCLXXXVI combustio de Kilmekev per Arthurum Mc Morchowe, O'Karrole et alios et magnus conflictus super Anglicos in festo Sancti Kenelmi, regis.— Finis Rotuli." . . . "Md that Kinge H. 2 toke the great townes hee drove out to the outside the Irishry calling that part Irishtowne, and within the walls he called Inglishton.'

From folio 18 b. to 29 a. the contents include notices of English affairs in Ireland from 1169 to 1339, extracted from Liber Conquestus, Clyn, Stanihurst, Holinshed, and Grafton. At folio 29 b. the arrangement of a space for each year is resumed and copious extracts are given from the now missing portion of the "white book," as well as from documents, with copies of acts of the commonalty so far as folio 119 b., where we find the end of the last entry of the proceedings of the town, A.D. 1544, under the Sovereignty of Walter Archer. These are followed by charter of Richard II., alphabetical table of "statutes and privileges" and of antiquities, the latter ending at the letter n. The last entry in the book is on the back of folio 130, with the following heading:

ment of a charter of Kilkenny in the red book of the Mayor of Bristol :

66

Memorandum quod carta domini Henrici octavi, regis Anglie, sub suo magno sigillo cera viridi impresso, per quam ipse dominus rex ratificavit et confirmavit burgensibus ville dicte Kilkennie in Hibernia heredibus et successoribus suis diversas libertates usus et consuetudines et clamaciones eis prius concessas fuit ostensa Johanni Caple, maiori ville Bristoll, Johanni Williams et Johanni Wilkins, vicecomitibus eiusdem ville, in Guildhalda ibidem per David Savadg de Kilkennia predicta, mercatorem, xvi die Aprilis, anno primo regis predicti. Et eisdem die et anno irrotulata fuit carta predicta in libro rubeo dicti maioris in folio ccix eiusdem libri per Phillipum Ricaut, communem clericum ville Bristoll predicte, prout patet ibidem." Fol. 88 b.

The compiler of the volume before us has with occasional gaps inserted under each year the names of the Sovereign and officials of Kilkenny from 1293 to 1544 from the materials to which he had access. He has thus supplied a catalogue of sovereigns of this important town which, as more complete than any yet in print, I have extracted as follows, giving the folios of Rothe's manuscript and his references to the first and second corporation books:

33 a.

- 1324. Idem.

33 a.

1327, 1328. Idem.

1329. Johannes Ffolyn.

1330. Thomas Shortalls.

1383. Johannes Cadde [li. 2. f. 11 a.] 1384. Nicolaus Ley [li. 1. f. 14 a.] 1386. Robertus Talbot [li. 1. f. 17 a.] 1387. Johannes Lumbard [ib.] 1388. Richardus Norton [li. 1. f. 17b.] 1389. Robertus Folyn [li. 1. f. 21 a.] 1390. Johannes Dyer.

1391. Johannes Chamberlaine [li. 1. f. 21 b.

- 1392. Thomas Knarisburghe [li. 1. f. 18 a.]

1404. Richardus Talbot [ib.

1418. Johannes Marshall.

1421. Robertus Ffolyn.

1422. Nicolaus White.

1424. Johannes Coke.

1425. Willielmus Archer.

1428. Mauricius Stafford [li. 1. f. 27b.]

1429. Johannes Marshall.

1430. Thomas Mounister, alias En

36 a.

glish.

1431. Nicolaus Sutton.

1432. Johannes Knarisburgh.

1433. Johannes Marshall.

1434. Willielmus Archer [li. 1. f. 28a.]

1438. Johannes Archer [li. 1. f. 28 b.]

1440. Johannes Rothe.

A.D.

1493. Robertus Shee [li. 1. f. 44 b.] 1496. Idem [ib.]

1498. Petrus Archer [li. 1. f. 46 b.] 1499. Johannes Archer [li. 1. f. 50 a.] 1500. Thomas Marshall [li. 1. f. 49 a.] 1501. Johannes Savadge [li. 1. f. 56a.] Sherlocke 1502. Walterus [li. 1.

f. 58 b.] 1503. Patricius Archer [li. 1. f. 59 a.] 1504. Willielmus Kyrdowe [ib.] 1505. Robertus Rothe [li. 1. f. 54.] 1506. Richardus Rothe [li. 1. f. 61 b.] 1507. Walterus Courcy [li. 1. f. 60 a.] 1508. Patricius Archer [li. 1. f. 55 a.] 1509. Robertus Rothe [li. 1. f. 58 a.] 1510. Idem.

1511. Thomas Langton.

1512. Walterus filius Thome Sherlocke [li. 1. f. 55 b.]

1513. Thomas Mothell [li. 1. f. 61 b.] 1514. Robertus Rothe.

1515. David Savadg [li. 1. f. 63 a.] 1516. Walterus Courcy [li. 2. f. 2.] 1517. Galfridus Rothe [li. 1. f. 64 a.] 1518. Patricius Archer. 1519. Thomas Mothell. 1520. Petrus Archer [li. 1. f. 66 a.] 1521. Idem [ib.]

[li. 1. f. 64 b.] 1522. Richardus Shee{li. 2. f. 6 b.]

1523. Robertus Rothe.

1529. Petrus Walsh

102 a.

102 b.

103 a.

103 b.

104 b.

105 b.

106 a.

106 b.

1524. Thomas Shee [li. 1. f. 67 a.] 1525. Richardus Rothe [li. 1. f. 67 b.] 1526. Nicolaus Hackett [li. 1. f. 68 a.] 1527. Johannes Walsh [li. 1. f. 68 b.] [ib.] 1528. Galfridus Rothe

[li. 1. f. 65 a.] {li. 2. f. 16 a.

[li. 1. f. 69 b.] 1530. Thomas Shee. 2. f. 16 b.

li. 1. f. 70 b.

1531. Johannes Rothe{li. 1. f. 70. 7
1532. Richardus Sheeli. 2. f. 20 b.
[li. 1. f. 71 a.]
1533. Galfridus Rotheli. 2. f. 22 a.

1534. Nicolaus Hackett.
1535. Thomas Langton [li. 2. f. 26 b.]
1536. Richardus Shee [li. 2. f. 28 b.]
1537. Robertus Rothe [li. 2. f. 30 a.]
1538. Johannes Walsh [li. 2. f. 32 b.]
1539. Johannes Rothe [li. 2. f. 36 b.]
1540. Nicolaus Cowley [li. 2. f. 37.]
1541. David Rothe [li. 2. f. 45 a.]
1542. Walterus Archer [li. 2. f. 47 a.

112 a. 114 b. 1543. Robertus Sheeth [li. 2. f. 54 b.] 117 a. 1544. Walterus Archer [li. 2. f. 59 b.] The documents transcribed in the present volume from the lost portion of Liber 2. and other sources include enactments and proceedings of the commonalty of Kilkenny between 1500 and 1544 on the following subjects:

Age of a burgess that may sell his land. Aghaboe Fair. Ale and its measures. Amercements for Wear bridge. For breaking the assize of victuals. For taking of fish coming to the town. Apples and pears, stealing of. Aqua vitæ, rules on. Armour and weapons for every man according to his degree. Artificers. Assize of bread, ale and victuals. Assaults in streets. Auditors of accounts. Bakers and the manner of baking bread in loaves after the English fashion. Banquets, and the order thereof. Barons of Whitsuntide fair and their authority. Beasts found in gardens. Bill of money delivered for building St. John's bridge. Bloodshed, punishment for. Breakfasts or banquets. Burial of strangers dead in freemen's houses. Bushes of furze cut without licence. Butter bought for men of Waterford or Ross. Candles and their prices. Captains appointed in Kilkenny. Cars of corn drawers. Carpenters and orders for them. Change of flesh coming into the market. Cheeses bought for men of Waterford or Ross. Counsel disclosed by a freeman. Corn to be sold at the market place, &c. Corpus Christi day and the privileges thereof. Craftsmen. Customs. Devise of lands. Disobedience to sovereign. Distresses. Drinking money allowed to inquests. Ducking stool. Election of officials. Entering gardens or orchards. Enrolment of Charters of Kilkenny at Bristol. Fairs among the Irishry. Farms, fields, or meadows. Fines for not answering the alarm

bell or summons; for entering the house of a burgess; for slander; for bloodshed; for weapon drawn; for forestalling; for beating the wife of a burgess that was sovereign. Fires. Fish, forestalling; sale of. Flesh, sale of in open market; forbid to be sent out of the town; to be cut on Saturday at a certain hour. Foreign merchants. Freedom and freemen. Fruit, furze, fagots and bushes. Gate to be stopped in time of war. Girdles to be made only by glovers. Glovers and their apprentices. Grey friars and their gardens. Green for shooting. Hedges broken. Hides and skins. Hogs. Hue and cry. Hundred court. Husbandmen and their sons. Imprisonments. Inquisitions. Irishry forbidden to be lodged in Kilkenny. Jurors. Irish town of Kilkenny. Killing of men in defence of the town rights. Labourers, their sons and fathers. Licences for sale of merchandize. Lodging strangers of the Irishry. Madder. Masons and their work. Measures for wine, ale, and other liquors. Meat to carpenters and labourers the night before they enter to work, or on holy days. Meadows, and trespassers on them. Mills. Misdemeanours. Mowers. Murage. Mutton allowed to be cut on Sundays. Musters and journeys. Night walkers after the hour of nine. Oaths and pledges of the Irishry. Oaths of the sovereign and officials. Orphans' goods, and accounts of them. Ossory men forbidden to be apprentices or servants to townsmen. Pavement of Kilkenny. Pawns or pledges. Penalties. Pestilences. Pillory. Playing for money, or with apprentices having no goods of their own. Pleas. Pledges. Porters of gates. Portrief elected that can speak no English. Prentices. Prices of articles. Privileges. Regrators. Rents. Saint Nicholas' offering and order for it. Sessions. Servants. Shoemakers and shoes. Shops. Slander. Soldiers. Sovereigns. Springs and wells. Stakes of corn. Strangers, a common house appointed to lodge them. Strangers dead in freemen's houses, and how they shall be buried. Submission. Subsidies. Suits. Sureties. Suspected persons, and goods bought of them. Tailors and prices for their work. Tallages. Trespassers. Trials of offences. Victuals, prices and sale of. Walls of the town. Wardships of burgesses. Warning to be given by tenant to landlord. Wax. Weights. Wine. Wool. Of the enactments and entries the following are specimens:

1523. Robert Rothe, Superior :

"Armour and weapon: It is enacted that every man have his jack, sallet, and long bowe, such as shalbe assigned therto. Others to have gley[v]es by St. Stevens day, uppon payne of iii. s. iv. d., 1. 2. f. 9 a. 1540. Nicholas Cowley, Superior:

Item, it is ordered, statuted, and agreed by the Soveraigne, Burgesses, and Comons of the said towne in the drenhundred, holden the Friday next after the Feast of St. Michaell tharchangle, the year above written, that the best quarter of beofe be not sold above ii. s., and as the flesh shalbe woorth within the same parte to be [ap]praised by the [ap]praysers apThe pointed. The best quarter of porke at xviij. d. best quarter of mutton at iiii. d. A stone of roughe tallowe contayning xiv. li. att xx. d., and every stone of moulten tallowe containing xiiii. li. at the same price, li. 2. fo. 38 a. Item, that no bowtcher cutt nether kerve any kinde of fleshe on Sonday except mutton, uppon payne of vi. s., viii. d. Thereof to the spier, viii. d., and the other parte to the Soveraigne and Comons equally to be devided," li. 2. fo. 28 b.

"For law full warning of six wiks by the landl[ord]:

66

Item, it is enacted also that every person having any house, orchiard, garden, or land in the fields fro yere to yere, be warned by the space of six wicks afore the terme or last gale by the lorde of the freeholde. Otherwise the said person or tenant shall keepe the said house, orchiard, land, or garden, till he be lawfully warned as is before said for like rent yerely, as he had the same before. And the said persons or tenants shall likewise warne the lord of any such freehold, as is before rehersed, otherwise that they shall answere yerely for somuch rent unto him as the said house, land, or orchiard was first lett for unto them till he be lawfully warned as is above written. li. 2. fo. 38 b." "Rate of shoes to be solde :