VI. and partial in that state of its infancy. It ac- DIALOGUE quired fresh force and vigour with age, and has some odd chance, written the history of the STUARTs first, and afterwards of the TUDORS, (in both which he found it for his purpose to adopt the notion of a despotic independent spirit in the English monarchy), he chuses in the last part of his work, which contains the history of England from JULIUS CAESAR to HENRY VII. to abide by his former fancy; on this pretence, that, in the administration of the feudal government, the liberty of the subject was incomplete and partial; often precarious and uncertain a way, in which the learned historian might prove, that no nation under heaven ever was, or ever will be, possessed of a FREE CONSTITUTION. By the FREE CONSTITUTION of the English monarchy, every advocate of liberty, that understands himself, I suppose, means, that limited plan of policy, by which the supreme legislative power (including in this general term the power of levying money) is lodged, not in the prince singly, but jointly in the prince and people; whether the popular part of the constitution be denominated the king's or kingdom's great council, as it was in the proper feudal times; or the parliament, as it came to be called afterwards; or, lastly, the two houses of parliament, as the style has now been for several ages. To tell us, that this constitution has been different at different times, because the regal or popular influence has at different times been more or less predominant, is only playing with a word, and confounding constitution with administration. According to this way of speaking, we have not only had three or four, but possibly three or four score, different constitutions. So long as that great * Mr. HUME'S Hist. vol. v. p. 472, n. ed. 8vo, 1763. DIALOGUE now at length extended its influence to every part of the political system. VI. Henceforward, may we not indulge in the expectation that both prince and people will be too wise to violate this glorious constitution: the only one in the records of time, which hath ever attained to the perfection of civil government? All the blessings of freedom which can consist with kingly rule, the people have: all the prerogatives of royalty, which can con distribution of the supreme authority took place (and it has constantly and invariably taken place, whatever other changes there might be, from the Norman establishment down to our times) the nation was always enabled, at least authorized, to regulate all subordinate, or, if you will, supereminent claims and pretensions. This it effectually did at the Revolution, and, by so doing, has not created a new plan of policy, but perfected the old one. The great MASTER-WHEEL of the English constitution is still the same; only freed from those checks and restraints, by which, under the specious name of prerogatives, time and opportunity had taught our kings tó obstruct and embarrass its free and regular movements. On the whole, it is to be lamented that Mr. HUME's too zealous concern for the honour of the house of STUART, operating uniformly through all the volumes of his history, has brought disgrace on a work, which, in the main, is agreeably written, and is indeed the most readable general account of the English affairs, that has yet been given to the public. sist with civil freedom, are indulged to the MR. SOMERS. How generous in your lordship is this patriot augury of immortality to the English constitution! Yet I dare not be so sanguine in my expectations. And Sir JOHN MAYNARD, I suspect, who has seen the madness of kings and people, in their turns, will hardly expect k A great lawyer, however, and one of the ornaments of Mr. SOMERS's own house, is not afraid to indulge in these generous expectations. In a late treatise, in which he explains, with exquisite learning, the genius of the feudal policy, "These principles, says he, are the principles of freedom, of justice, and safety. The English constitution is formed upon them. Their reason will subsist, as long as the frame of it shall stand; and being maintained in purity and vigour, will preserve it from the usual mortality of government." Considerations on the Law of Forfeiture, 3d ed. Lond. 1748. VI. DIALOGUE it from me. It may be sufficient that we put up our ardent vows to Heaven, for the long continuance of it. Less than this cannot be dispensed with in an honest man. Every blessing of civil policy is secured to us by this new but constitutional settlement. And may our happy country enjoy it, at least as long as they have the sense to value, and the virtue to deserve it! SIR J. MAYNARD. When these fail, our wishes, and even prayers themselves, will hardly preserve us. Vice and folly, as you say, may do much towards defeating the purposes of the best government. What effect these may have, in time, on the English liberty, I would not, for the omen's sake, undertake to say. You, my lord, and Mr. SOMERS (who are so much younger men) may be able, hereafter, to conjecture with more certainty of its duration. It is enough for me that I have lived to see my country in possession of it. |