these lectures, I have heard him quote, with the utmost accuracy, from the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin languages, of none of which he has the least knowledge in his normal condition. He has also quoted long extracts from the Sanscrit, the substance of which I have been able to verify from a French translation of the Vedas. Whether the same thing exists in an English version, I have not learned. But I am entirely confident he has never read it in any translation. At the same time, I have no reason to suppose, that, even in his preternatural state, he can be fairly said to be acquainted with these tongues. He would, probably, be unable to give the meaning of any sentence in a foreign language, that might be submitted to him by way of experiment. But whatever word or phrase may be necessary to the more full elucidation of any point which he is explaining, seems to come spontaneously to his lips, from the same source with the body of the disclosures themselves; and that these are suggested or dictated by the influx of some other mind into his own, is, I think, beyond question. But that it is any mind inhabiting a material body, which prompts his revelations, I am convinced is not the case, for they are often in direct contrariety to all the opinions which have ever been advanced upon the same subjects; and when not contrary, they are frequently beyond all that has been known to be propounded respecting them.

"Not the least remarkable among the phenomena of the case, is the fact, that his enunciations, from the outset, in this course of lectures, have coincided, most astonishingly, with those of Swedenborg, although he has, to this hour, never read a page of his works, and has never been intimately associated with those who have, or who would be capable of determining his thoughts in that direction. The two gentlemen, who are permanently connected with him in his Mesmeric operations, are both of them nearly as ignorant as himself of the peculiar doctrines, philosophical and theological, of Swedenborg; and since they have become aware of the fact of the coincidence mentioned, they have stifled their curiosity, and rigidly abstained from all recourse to those writings, with the express desigu of being able to say, in the issue, that from whatever source his information may have been derived, it has not come from their minds."

We do not mean to engage in a discussion of the general subject presented in this volume, because our own views are not sufficiently decided, to commit the pages of this Review to either one side or the other in the controversy. But one thing we will do, and that is-protest against the spirit in which inquiries of this sort are received in certain quarters. The scepticism, mockery, prejudice, and ridicule, with which anything pertaining to Mesmerism, and everything that indicates the present and immediate existence of a spiritual world, is escorted into notoriety, seems to us as unphilosophical as they are unchristian. The whole proceeding betrays a most grossly naturalistic or animal state of the human mind. It shows that there is as little of the spirit of true science abroad, as there is of the spirit of true religion. For, it is as much opposed to the principles of Bacon, as it is to those of the Gospel, to meet every new thing in the haughty tone of unbelief and conservatism. Bacon, indeed, has most beautifully remarked, somewhere in his works, that scientific truth is best received, like the Kingdom of Heaven, by "little children"-by those who have the docility, innocence, and fresh faith of childhood. "To believe all things," and "to hope all things," is a sign, as well of the philosophic as of the Christian temper; and nothing could be more opposed to a rational and intelligent method, than to reject what is novel, merely because it is novel, or because it seems to contradict what we have been before taught to regard as truth. The realms of Truth are as infinite as the Divine Wisdom; our conquests within them thus far have scarcely passed the borders; and for any one, under these circumstances, to say what is possible or what is impossible, is to be guilty of a prodigious presumption. Man's life on earth is but one continuous scene of mental development. Every day unfolds to his mind some new view of the wonders of the Creative Power. His business here, therefore, is to live and learn. He is not to thrive, like an oyster, by tak

ing in a certain amount of the surrounding elements, and then shutting his intellectual shell for ever: but like a plant, he must keep his system perpetually open to all the genial influences of the world. Around him are the infinitudes, rich in life, and peopled with multitudes of interesting forces: what he knows of their powers and tendencies is little; whether they be material, or spiritual, or celestial, or divine, he has yet to learn; in how far they act upon each other or upon him, he has also yet to learn, with much else besides; and to assert positively, in view of such tremendous ignorance, what is or is not, or what may and may not be, is to assume most sacrilegiously the prerogative of a God. We know that man's mind is in its infancy; we know that Humanity, as a whole, has scarcely left its swaddling bands; so that it does not do for us to put on the grave airs and imposing looks of supereminent wisdom. There is a good deal in this universe, we may depend upon it, "not dreamt of in our philosophy." We only demonstrate our own littleness and conceit, when we attempt to impose limits on human faculties or human acquisitions. The career of Knowledge is doubtless gradual, and it may be retrograde for a while, but it is never stationary. One would think, that the frequent and ignominious defeats that the unreasoning sticklers for things as they are have suffered, would damage their faith in their own infallibility. But they proceed now to fight over their old battles with as much arrogance as at first. Conservatism, in short, is like india rubber, it will stretch a long while before breaking. The entire history of human advancement, is a record of the absurdity of that tenacious spirit in which it acts, yet it continues to manifest the same spirit. On this subject of Animal Magnetism, for instance, it is as scornful and incredulous as it once was on that of Christianity, or the Copernican system of Astronomy. It begins by taking for granted that its very pretensions are absurd, and then ridicules and abuses all its developments as charlatanism and irreligion.

Now, we say, without committing ourselves to the truth or falsehood of Mesmerism, that this spirit, in which it has been heretofore discussed, is a fundamental wrong. A philosopher or a Christian ought to approach the matter in a wholly different tone. We find that for half a century at least, men of irreproachable character and sane minds in other respects, have asserted the existence of certain peculiar manifestations, which they call Animal Magnetism. We find, in looking over their books only cursorily, the most evident air of sincerity on the part of the writers, and a singular uniformity in the results they describe. We find, also, a numerous class of competent thinkers, like Professor Bush, connecting these phenomena with a high and consistent spiritual philosophy, in the truth of which they express an immoveable confidence, and which they maintain is intimately related to the moral welfare of mankind. What, then, is the proper course for a philosophic mind? To condemn the whole thing at the first blush-to overwhelm it by ingenious appeals to prejudice-to ally it in public estimation with witchcraft and heathen juggleries, or to treat it as the mere dream of weak or wicked enthusiasts? Not at all. But to look it candidly into the face, to examine its claims cautiously but honestly, and to keep the mind in a state ready to embrace it, should the investigation perchance prove it to be true. It is only in this way that Humanity can from time to time be led into higher knowledge. We must never discard Reason, but we must keep reason in subjection to the laws of positive Evidence.

The other day we were travelling in the obscurer parts of New-Jersey, when we happened upon an excellent and kind-hearted old lady, who had known us in the days of our youth. In the course of a long conversation upon the changes for better or worse which had happened during the inter

val, a word was dropped touching the operations of the magnetic telegraph. -"And pray, sir, does a man of your good sense," she was pleased to phrase it, "really believe in the stories that are told about that thing?" "Why, madam," we answered, humbly, "we not only believe, but know; for we have seen the instrument at work." "Ah!" she resumed, "there must be some mistake about it." "But consider," we interposed, "how long now it has been in actual use by the newspapers and thousands of others." "Well, that may all be," was her conclusion, "but I had rather believe them all deceived in some way, than that news can be transmitted five hundred miles in a minute." She was a capital specimen, we thought, of philosophic conservatism.

NAVY REFORM.

THE subject of Navy Reform has been for many years gradually attracting an increasing amount of the public attention. The knowledge has become pretty generally extended, of the existence of abuses in our naval system, claiming correction; extravagances loudly demanding reduction; and even some incongruities so absurd, that, if not reformed, they must inevitably result, sooner or later, in the total demoralization and ruin of the service. All military establishments appear to have a natural tendency towards pecuniary extravagance; and there are no applications of public money, in which less account seems to be habitually taken of the precise ratio between expenditure and utility, than in those which have for their object the destruction of human life in war, whether on the field or the flood. A certain exclusive pride also seems to wall in, not only the uniformed and epauletted body of the officers of each of these professions, but the various grades of functionaries connected with those departments in every government. From highest to lowest, the pervading bias is generally conservative-adverse to change-distrustful of innovation, and especially jealous of impertinent civilian suggestions of improvement and economy. Slow and difficult is the headway that reform can ever make in the organization and administration of these establishments. It is sad up-hill work. Swimming against the stream, and cutting against the grain, are far easier and more agreeable tasks. Every step discovers an obstacle and raises an opponent; an opponent equally troublesome, whether active in open resistance, or still more provoking in the sluggish slowness of a passive vis inertia. Wo betide the daring civilian who goes into the office of head of either of those departments of the public service, as a reformer, an investigator of veteran abuses, a retrencher of customary extravagances! If he escape being stifled to death in the clouds of dust and cobweb disturbed by his own broom of reform, he may esteem himself fortunate, and may thank his stars if he escape with no worse penalty than a little "unpopularity" among those classes who happen to be unpleasantly affected by that very line of policy which constitutes his best title to the public gratitude and applause.

We have watched with no slight degree of attention Mr. Bancroft's recent brief but brilliant career at the head of the Navy Department. At first curious to see how such novel duties of administration would be performed

by one whose previous reputation had been only that of a scholar, a student and an author. A still higher interest, in our estimation, soon began to attach to the experiment which he seemed determined to make, of the practicability of carrying out some such extensive, thorough and vigorous system of Navy Reform, as we well knew to be loudly demanded by the true interest of the profession, as well as of the public service.

As was to be expected, it was not long before a great outcry began to make itself heard, both in and out of the service, against the Secretary and his reforms. The social influence of the officers of the navy, as a class, is no insignificant power; consisting as it does of so large a number of generally intelligent and estimable gentlemen, distributed over the country, especially on the Atlantic border; animated by a common feeling of prejudice and alarm; and everywhere enjoying the easiest facilities of access to the columns of the press, and to the minds of those by whom it is directed. When with this influence co-operated the partisan hostility of two-thirds of the newspapers, always so credulous to believe, and so unscrupulous to exaggerate evil of a prominent political adversary, (and with the addition, moreover, of one or two Democratic prints, whose editors were provoked into a still more bitter enmity, by the offending Secretary's refusal of official favors claimed by persons alike unworthy and importunate,) it is not difficult to form a pretty just estimate of the true value of the clamor that was raised, with such industrious concert and vehemence, against the late head of the Navy Department.

By an unfortunate coincidence, also, it happened that some of the more important of Mr. Bancroft's propositions of reform were brought forward at about the very period when our relations with the greatest maritime power of the globe seemed to wear the most threatening aspect; when, indeed, to many minds, the day did not appear distant, when we might find ourselves with two or three formidable wars at a time on our hands. Reduction in the numerical force of the officers held a prominent place in his plans, (though that reduction contemplated an increase of efficiency, and an increase, rather than a decrease, of the number of vessels and guns to be kept afloat,) and it was easy for hostile prejudice to drown the arguments advanced in support of the proposed reforms, in plausible outcry against their unseasonableness. These plans had, indeed, no reference to the question of war or peace; in either event they justified themselves by incontrovertible reasons. Increased efficiency was even in a higher degree their object, than economy in expenditure; and in reference to the possibility of a state of war, and the demands upon the service which it would involve, the economy aimed at by the Secretary derived all the stronger recommendation from that circumstance.

At the very time when this clamor was at its worst, it was no unfrequent remark among some of the best officers in the service, as well as members of Congress and others deliberately acquainted with the subject, that Mr. Bancroft was probably the very best Secretary that had ever been in the department; that his reforms were in general of the most valuable character; and that the adoption of at least the principal of them was indispensable to the continued healthy efficiency, if not to the very existence, of the navy, in any sense worthy of the name.

A striking illustration of the occasion existing in the navy for useful retrenchment, was certainly afforded by Mr. Bancroft's statement to Congress, in his communication to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of April 23d, 1846, that while the expenses of the establishment (on the existing basis of about 7,500 seamen, and about 1,000 marines) have hitherto been estimated at more than $6,000,000, "a series of reforms have been

begun, which, if vigorously maintained by necessary acts of legislation, will have effected a saving of nearly a million of dollars, without diminishing the number of officers, or of men, or of ships, or of guns, employed at sea."

The same communication, elicited by a resolution of the House of Representatives, proceeds to give the following condensed summary of the reforming and retrenching policy of the late Secretary:

“To effect this, a unity of purpose must pervade the entire administration of the Navy Department. The service must be relieved from the burden of supernumerary officers; appointments and promotions must be made of none but officers capable of fully doing the duties of their stations; the pay must be graduated according to length of service; the number of shore-stations, as they are called, must be still farther curtailed; the complement and allowance of ships at sea must be regulated by the severest economy, consistent with efficiency; the number of the navy-yards must be no further increased; the employment of labor at the navyyards must be directed by a harmonious system, so that preparations may not be made for doing at each of our eight navy-yards what can only be done at one or two; the pressure for places to be filled by persons who wait for work, instead of employing workmen when work is to be done, must be resisted; the contingent expenses, especially those of travel and incidental labor, must be reduced; and the number and force of the squadrons to be maintained, must never exceed the limits required by the public exigencies."

It is an indisputable fact, that our navy is the most expensive, in proportion to its size, and force afloat, of those of all the maritime powers of the world. Not only is its scale of pay much higher, (with the exception of the highest grades of officers,) but its other general expenditure is comparatively more costly, than is to be witnessed in the naval administration of either England or France; a fact which, if left much longer unreformed, may well be pointed at, to the discredit of a government professing to be enlightened by popular intelligence, stimulated by democratic energy, and simplified by republican frugality.

In no application is the maxim more true, than in reference to the present subject, that "a penny saved is a penny gained." The navy is justly a favorite branch of the public service with our people and government; at the same time that very large expenditures, for any objects of no very pressing immediate necessity, are at variance alike with the wishes of the one, and the theory and spirit of the other. Every dollar wasted is, therefore, as was well understood by Mr. Bancroft, a dollar withdrawn from effective application to the extension and improvement of the navy; every dollar saved is a dollar beneficially added to those valuable objects. The promised economy of a million, as proposed by the Secretary, without diminution of the effective force afloat, whether in officers, men, ships, or guns, was, therefore, in fact, no reduction of the navy," but, on the contrary, a basis for corresponding extension as well as improvement. And, indeed, not only would the people's representatives vote, but the people themselves would gladly sanction, increased expenditure in a much larger proportion, than in merely equal amounts with the savings thus rescued from waste. A true economy

66

being the wise and skillful application of adequate means to valuable ends, hundreds would be cheerfully given, on an assurance of the most effective and productive application of the expenditure, where tens are begrudged to a system known to be rife with tendencies to misuse and abuse.

Let

One of the retrenchments proposed by Mr. Bancroft was a reduction of the number of officers employed, in proportion to the number of men. it not be lost sight of, that this involved no reduction of the effective force