circumstances, renewed;" and that "it must be admitted that a serious practical question does arise, or, rather, has existed, from practices formerly attending the mode of manning the British navy in times of war."

The British envoy goes even still farther with his conces sions. "The very anomalous condition of the two countries," says he, "with relation to each other, creates a serious difficulty. Our people are not distinguishable; and, owing to the peculiar habits of sailors, our vessels are very generally manned from a common stock. It is difficult, under these circumstances, to execute laws, which at times have been thought essential for the existence of the country, without risk of injury to others. The extent and. importance of those injuries, however, are so formidable, that it is admitted that some remedy should, if possible, be applied; at all events, it must be fairly and honestly attempted. It is true, that during the continuance of peace, no practical grievance can arise; but it is also true that it is for that reason the proper season for the calm and deliberate consideration of an important subject. I have much reason to hope, that a satisfactory arrangement respecting it may be made, so as to set at rest all apprehension and anxiety; and I will only further repeat the assurance of the sincere disposition of my government favorably to consider all matters having for their object the promoting and maintaining undisturbed kind and friendly feelings with the United States."

Thus, the British minister at last, under the commanding influence and resistless pressure of the great mind of his American associate, virtually yields, even though not instructed by his government, the most fondly cherished and venerable maxim of the English fundamental law, to the support of which England had sacrificed blood and treasure, through a three-years war, and which she had maintained, at the cannon's mouth, since the origin of her naval supremacy, in every quarter of the globe.

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Stck is a brief sketch of the topics, which came before the two illustrious diplomatists, and which constitute the substance of the celebrated treaty of Washington, and the accompanying correspondence. The treaty itself, the result of four months incessant and severe labor, was communicated to the senate, in a message written by Mr. Webster in the name of Mr. Tyler, on the 11th of August, 1842; and, on motion of Mr. Rives, it was referred at once to the committee on foreign relations, who reported it back, without amendment, on the 15th of August. It was made the order of the day for the 17th; and, on that and the three following days, it was ably discussed by some of the leading statesmen of the country. On the last day of the discussion, again on motion of Mr. Rives, it was ratified by the senate by a vote of thirty-nine to nine; and the bills for carrrying it into effect, in the house and in the senate, were soon after passed, by majorities still more decisive of its popu larity. In this way, the most difficult questions that had ever arisen, since the American revolution, to perplex the relations of the two great nations of modern history, were forever laid to rest; and the peace of the two countries was established on a basis of mutual concession, a basis seldom acknowledged by Great Britain in her previous connections with us, which nothing but the most urgent reasons, on the one or the other side, can at any future period disturb.

The treaty of Washington gave general satisfaction, at the time of its ratification, in every portion of the Union. East and west, north and south, it was about equally popular. On the 30th of September, 1842, by invitation of the leading citizens of Boston, Mr. Webster met his fellow-citizens in a public manner, in Faneuil Hall; and he there made a specch, in relation to such public matters as stood connected with his administration of the department of state under the presidency of General Harrison and Mr. Tyler. Mr. Jonathan Chapman, ther mayor of the city, presided, and made the speech intro

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ducing Mr. Webster; and, in the course of his remarks, he gave utterance to the feelings of the citizens of Massachusetts in relation to this period of the life of the distinguished guest, as well as to his general character as the long-tried and trusted representative of his adopted state: "It is to your eminent services, sir," said the mayor, after having spoken of him as the representative and senator from that city and state, on this broader field which you have lately occupied, that we look this day with special pride and admiration. Sir, in simple but heart-felt language, we thank you for the honorable attitude in which, so far as your department has been concerned, you have placed your country before the world. Would to God that it stood as well in other respects. In the many emergencies in our foreign relations, which the two past years have presented, you have been faithful throughout to the true interests and honor of the country, and nowhere in its archives can abler, manlier, wiser, or more dignified papers be found, than those which bear your signature.

"When the dark cloud lowered upon our neighboring frontier, when a great and fundamental law of nations had wellnigh yielded to popular passion, when a single step, only, intervened between us and a war that must have been disastrous as it would have found us in the wrong, it was your wise and energetic interference that dispelled the storm, by seeking to make us just, even under galling provocation.

"When a gasconading upstart from a neighboring republic, so called, presumed to address to this government, a communication worthy only of its owner, but which no one of his coadjutors was bold enough to present in person, one firm and dignified look from our own secretary of state, a single sweep of his powerful arm, relieved the country from any further specimens of Mexican diplomacy.

"And, crowning act of all, when, amidst the numerous and perplexing questions which had so long disturbed the har

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mony of two nations, whom God meant should always be friends, England sent forth her ambassador of compromise and peace, you met him like a man. Subtle diplomacy and political legerdemain, you threw to the winds; and, taking only for your guides simple honesty, common sense and a christian spirit, behold, by their magic influence, there is not a cloud in the common heavens above us, but only the glad and cheering sunlight of friendship and peace.

"We have already, sir, on this same spot, expressed our approbation of this treaty with England, while paying a merited tribute of respect to the distinguished representative of that country, who was associated with you in its adjustment. We repeat to you our satisfaction with the result, and with the magnanimous spirit, by which it was accomplished. We may now add, as we might not then, that we know not the other individual, within the limits of the country, who could have so successfully achieved this happy event.

"We are aware, sir, that this treaty is not yet completed, but that an important act [its ratification by England] is yet necessary for its accomplishment. We anticipate no such result, and yet it may be that still farther work is necessary for the crowning of our hopes. You have brought skill and labor, aye, and self-sacrifice too, to this great work, we know. And whatever may befall the country, in this or any other matter, we are sure that you will be ready to sacrifice everything for her good, save honor. And, on that point, amidst the perplexities of these perplexing times, we shall be at ease; for we know that he who has so nobly maintained his country's honor, may safely be trusted with his own."

Similar sentiments prevailed throughout New-England, and throughout the country, at the time of the ratification of the treaty; and they continued to prevail, in all parts of the Union, from that time forward. In the spring of 1847, on occasion of his visit to some of the southern states, Mr. Webster was

publicly received at Richmond, Charleston, Columbia, Augusta and Savannah; and in each of these places, he was compli mented in the highest terms, for his distinguished services to the country, as the head of Mr. Tyler's cabinet. At Charleston, even, the chief city of South Carolina, whose peciliar politics Mr. Webster had been called upon, as a public man, to oppose through every period of his life, he was applauded for an act, or series of acts, for which his enemies could find nothing due him but applause: "As representatives of our fellowcitizens of Charleston," said the Hon. Franklin H. Elmore, chairman of the committee of arrangements, at the ceremony of the reception, “we wait upon you to tender their welcome and good wishes. Having heard that it was your intention to pass through their city, in a tour through the southern states, undertaken to obtain, by personal observation, a better knowledge of their people, pursuits and interests, the citizens of Charleston, laying as de all differences of political opinion, in a common desire to further your wishes, and to render your visit agreeable, assembled and unanimously delegated to us the pleasing duty of expressing to you the great satisfaction of thus meeting you in their homes. Although they well know there are essential differences of opinion between a great majority of them and yourself, and the great commonwealth of which you are the trusted and distinguished representative in the councils of the nation, yet, on this occasion, they remember, with far more pleasure, that, whilst at the head of the state department you watched with fidelity over other sections of the Union; that the south was not neglected, but her interests and her rights found in you an able and impartial vindicator; that you made, amongst other public services, great and successful efforts to preserve our relations in peace and harmony with the most free and powerful nation of the old world; and that while you served the general cause of humanity and civiliza