SENATE.] Public Expenditures. [JAN. 10, 1852. Mr. BENTON rose in reply to the Senator from Mary- the expense of working the machinery of the Government land. Mr. B. said that a remark of his, in a former at the period which I had in my eye. But the pensions debate, seemed to have been the occasion of the elaborate have not yet totally ceased; they are much diminished financial statements which the Senator from Maryland had since 1822, 1823, and in a few years must cease. The just gone through. Mr. B. said he had made the remark revolutionary pensioners must now average seventy years in debate; it was a general one, and not to be treated as of age; their stipends will soon cease. I hold myself well an account stated by an accounting officer. His remark justified, then, in saying, as I did, that the expenditures of was, that the public expenditure had nearly doubled since the Government have nearly doubled in my time. The he had been a member of the Senate. Neither the words remark had no reference to administrations. There was used, nor the mode of the expression, implied the accuracy nothing comparative in it; nothing intended to put up, or of an account; it was a remark to signify a great and put down, any body. The burdens of the people is the inordinate increase in a comparatively short time. He had only thing I wish to put down. My service in the Senate not come to the Senate this day with the least expectation has extended under three administrations, and my periods of being called to justify that remark, or to hear a long of calculation extend to all three. My opinion now is, arraignment of it argued; but he was ready at all times that the machinery of this Government, after the payment to justify, and he would quickly do it. Mr. B. said that of the public debt, should be worked for ten millions or when he made the remark, he had no statement of ac-less, and two millions more for extraordinaries; in all counts in his eye, but he had two great and broad facts twelve millions; but this is a point for future discussion. before him, which all the figures and calculations upon My present object is to show a great increase in a short earth, and all the compound and comparative statements time; and to show that, not to affect individuals, but to of arithmeticians, could not shake or alter, which were-show the necessity of practising what we all profess first, that since he came into the Senate the machinery of economy. I am against keeping up a revenue, after the this Government was worked for between eight and nine debt and pensions are paid, as large, or nearly as large, as millions of dollars; and, secondly, the actual payments the expenditure was in 1822, 1823, with these items infor the last year, in the President's message, were about cluded. I am for throwing down my load, when I get to fourteen millions and three-quarters. The sum estimated the end of my journey. I am for throwing off the burden for the future expenditures, by the Secretary of the of the debt, when I get to the end of the debt. The Treasury, was thirteen and a half millions; but fifteen burden of the debt is the taxes levied on account of it. I millions were recommended by him to be levied to meet am for abolishing these taxes; and this is the great ques increased expenditures. Mr. B. said these were two great tion upon which parties now go to trial before the Amerifacts which he had in his eye, and which he would justify. He would produce no proofs as to the second of his facts, because the President's message and the Secretary's report were so recently sent in, and so universally reprinted, that every person could recollect, or turn to their contents, and verify his statement upon their own examination or recollection. He would verify his first statement only by proofs, and for that purpose would refer to the detailed statements of the public expenditures, compiled by Van Zandt and Watterston, and for which he had just sent to the room of the Secretary of the Senate. Mr. B. would take the years 1822-3; for he was not simple enough to take the years before the reduction of the army, when he was looking for the lowest expenditure. Four thousand men were disbanded, and had remained disbanded ever since; they were disbanded since he came into the Senate; he would therefore date from that reduction. This would bring him to the years 1822-'3, when you, sir, (the Vice President,) was Secretary of War. What was the whole expenditure of the Government for each of those years? can people. One word more, and I am done for the present. The Senator from Maryland, to make up a goodly average for 1822 and 1823, adds the expenditure of 1824, which includes, besides sixteen millions and a half for the public debt, and a million and a half for pensions, the sum of five millions for the purchase of Florida. Sir, he must deduct twenty-two millions from that com putation; and that deduction will bring his average for those years to agree very closely with my statement. Mr. HAYNE said that he had been called upon unex pectedly to answer for his remarks made a few days ago on another bill. If he had been aware of the intention of the gentleman from Maryland, he should have taken the pains to be prepared with statements to make out the correctness of the assertion alluded to. He said it must be recol lected that it was not his assertion that the "expenses were nearly doubled." That had been the assertion of the gentleman from Missouri; and it had struck him so forcibly, that he had merely adverted to the language of that gentleman in his subsequent remarks, and added, that the expenditures of the Government had been annually increasing ever since he had been in the Senate. For this additional assertion, and for that alone, he stood responsi ble; and if he was mistaken in that remark, he was never These two sums include every head of expenditure--so much mistaken in any point in the whole course of his they include public debt, revolutionary and invalid pen- life. He was still confident of its correctness; and he trustsions; three heads of temporary expenditure. The pay-ed that, before this matter was done, with, he should be ments on account of the public debt in those two years, able to satisfy the Senate and the country that it was not It stood thus: were 1822, 1823, In 1822, $17,676,592 63 $7,848,919 12 him, but the chairman of the Committee on Finance, who was mistaken. He did not intend to do this, however, by any comparison of a series of years and general averages, Deduct these two sums from the total expenditure of as that gentleman had done, but he should submit a resothe years to which they refer, and you will have For 1822, $9,727,673 41 9,784,155 59 lution to the Senate, calling for the necessary information in relation to the expenditures during the time mentioned, from the proper officer of the department; and if the result of that statement did not make out his assertion to be correct, he would acknowledge his error, and abide by that decision; and he expected the gentleman from Mary Aggregate. land would do the same. Mr. H. said that if the event $1,947,199 40 should show him in an error, it was that gentleman's fault, 1,730,588 52 for he had led him into the error, if an error it was, which, years to which however, he did not believe. He had led him to believe $8,000,000 as that there was an increased expenditure, by his repeated JAN. 11, 1832.] The Ordnance Bill.--The Tariff. [SENATE. attempts to justify the fact, by urging the necessity of an from the lakes to the Gulf, from the Atlantic to the Misincrease to keep pace with the times. Sir, said Mr. H., sissippi: and besides this quantity on hand, about one can I forget that it had been publicly stated that, in the million of dollars was annually expended either to increase two first years of the present administration, the expendi- it, or to supply the current use and consumption. An tures of the Government on internal improvements were establishment having so much property in charge, requirgreater than during the whole four years of the late ad-ed an organization, and this was what the bill proposed. ministration? Can I forget the fact I have never seen The first section provided for the enlistment of two hundenied by the friends of the present administration, though dred and fifty men for the ordnance service; they would repeatedly rung in their ears? But, on the contrary, they supply the place of about that number of laborers now have uniformly maintained that this increase was occa- hired to do the business of soldiers. This single fact would sioned by appropriations under the previous administra-show that the department was without organization. The tion. Can I forget that the gentleman from Maryland has second section provided for the appointment of a veteran told the Senate that it was the intention of the Committee sergeant, to take care of the ordnance stores at each post. on Finance to reduce the revenue to fifteen millions after Such an appointment was necessary, and would stand in the extinction of the public debt, because that sum would the place of the conductors of artillery, formerly allowed probably be wanted to meet the demands of the Govern- for the same purpose, but dropped, he believed, from inment. Where, said Mr. H., shall we find the boasted advertence, in the repeal of different laws. diminution of the expenses of this Government? Shall we find it in the civil list, or diplomatic intercourse? Shall we find it in the army, the navy, or in any department of the Government? On the contrary, has it been our constant policy to create new offices, and enlarge the salaries of those already existing? But, said Mr. H., we will have this matter determined by an appeal to facts which cannot deceive us, which the proposed resolution will elicit. tion provided for the repeal of existing laws which would These were the brief reasons for preferring the bill, How can the gentleman suppose that I should imagine Houses of Congress, and favorably reported by their comwhich was not a new measure, but had been before both the expenditures were not increased, in the face of all mittees for several years. The expense was the next item. those facts which the gentleman himself has admitted? On this head, he said, the enlisted men would be no addiHave I not, said Mr. H., risen in my place, repeatedly, tional expense, but rather an economy, as hired men were to oppose the various new appropriations which have been now employed. called for, and received for answer that the increased would be but a trifle; and would be some reward to a wants of our growing country required them? If mis- veteran, and stimulate him to act so as to deserve it. The The sergeants put on ordnance duty taken, therefore, the fault lies upon those who, having only additional expense was in the officering the corps, our finances in charge, could long since have corrected and that would add about $12,000 of additional expense. the supposed error. He was persuaded, however, there Mr. B. submitted that this was nothing when the question was no error--there could be none. Indeed, he under-was to provide for the preservation and due accountability stood the gentleman himself to show an average increase of twelve millions of dollars worth of public property, and of the expenditures. And how could it be otherwise? to secure the most skilful and efficient application of a The gentleman from Missouri, in referring back to the million per annum to the manufacture of arms, and the documents this morning, states the average expenditures, acquisition of munitions of war, Mr. B. then said that he for some years back, at nine millions; the Senator from Maryland gives the average of the few last years at twelve millions; and that Senator himself, only a few days ago, set down the future average at fifteen millions. And yet we are gravely told our expenses are not increasing. At the conclusion of the preceding debate, Mr. FORSYTH rose, and stated why he (having object-Senators might put. ed to the bill yesterday for want of certain information) should now vote for it, as he had obtained the information to look into the bill, and it was laid on the table, to be Mr. WILKINS expressed his desire to have a little time which he desired on the subject, (and which he recapitu- taken up in a day or two. lated to the Senate,) and was satisfied of the expediency of the bill. THE ORDNANCE BILL. The bill providing for the better organization of the ordnance corps was next taken up. had made this brief statement to apprise the Senate of the nature of the bill; and he would now comply with the request made of him by one of the Senators from Pennsylvania, [Mr. WILKINS,] and let the bill lie over a day or two for consideration. When it was called up again, it would afford him pleasure to answer any questions which [The bill was taken up subsequently, and passed.] WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 11. The resolutions submitted yesterday by Mr. Benton, were taken up and agreed to. THE TARIFF. Mr. BENTON, as chairman of the Military Committee, rose to explain it. He first asked for the reading of a letter from the Secretary of War, to whom the bill had been referred by the committee for his remarks and suggestions. [The letter was read by the Secretary of the Senate, and expressed a favorable opinion of the bill.] Mr. ed from foreign countries, and not coming in competition Resolved, That the existing duties upon articles importB. then proceeded with his explanations. He said the with similar articles made or produced within the United title of the bill was to organize the Ordnance Department; States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties and the title was right. The Ordnance Department had upon wines and silks, and that those ought to be reduced; no organization; it had grown up by piecemeal from small and that the Committee on Finance be instructed to rebeginnings to a great and important branch of the military port a bill accordingly. establishment, and needed an organization suited to its present magnitude. Senators could judge of this magni- addressed the Senate as follows: I have a few observaThe resolution having been read, Mr. CLAY rose, and tude, when he told them that the arms and munitions of tions, Mr. President, and only a few, to submit to the Sewar in the care of this department were now worth twelve nate, on the measure now before you; in doing which I millions of dollars, and were distributed all over the Union, have to ask all your indulgence. I am getting old; I feel VOL, VIII.-5 Monday last, being the special order of the day, was taken The following resolution, submitted by Mr. CLAY on up for consideration: SENATE.] The Tariff. [JAN. 11, 1832. but too sensibly, and unaffectedly, the effects of approach- the commencement of Mr. Monroe's administration. Duing age; and I have been, for some years, very little in ring its continuance of eight years, owing to the embarthe habit of addressing deliberative assemblies. I am told I rassments of the treasury, the ten millions were not have been the cause--the most unwilling cause, if I have regularly applied to the payment of the debt; and, upon been, of exciting expectations, the evidence of which is the termination of that administration, the treasury stood around us. I regret it; for however the subject on which largely in arrear to the sinking fund. During the subseI am to speak, in other hands might be treated to gratify quent administration of four years, not only was the ten or to reward the presence and attention now given, in millions faithfully applied during each year, but those mine I have nothing but a plain, unvarnished, and unam- arrears were brought up, and all previous deficiencies bitious exposition to make. made good. So that, when the present administration It forms no part of my present purpose, said Mr. C., to began, a plain, unincumbered, and well-defined path lay enter into a consideration of the established policy of pro- directly before it. Under the measures which have been tection. Strong in the convictions, and deeply seated in devised, in the short term of fifteen years, the Govern the affections, of a large majority of the people of the ment has paid nearly one hundred millions of principal, United States, it stands self-vindicated, in the general and about an equal sum of interest; leaving the small rem prosperity, in the rich fruits which it has scattered over nant behind of twenty-four millions. the land, in the experience of all prosperous and powerful nations, present and past, and now in that of our own. Nor do I think it necessary to discuss that policy on this resolution. Other gentlemen may think differently, and may choose to argue and assail it. If they do, I have no doubt that, in all parts of the Senate, members more competent than I am, will be ready to defend and support it. My object now is to limit myself to a presentation of certain views and principles connected with the present financial condition of the country. Of that remnant, thirteen millions consist of the three per cent. stock created by the act of 1790, which the Government does not stand bound to redeem at any prescribed time, but which it may discharge whenever it suits its own convenience; and when it is discharged, it must be done by the payment of dollar for dollar. I cannot think, and, I should suppose, Congress can hardly believe, with the Secretary of the Treasury, that it would be wise to pay off a stock of thirteen millions, entitling its holders to but three per cent, with a capital of thir teen millions, worth an interest of six per cent.-in other words, to take from the pockets of the people two dollars A consideration of the state of the public revenue has become necessary, in consequence of the near approach of the entire extinction of the public debt; and I concur to pay one in the hands of the stockholder. with you, sir, in believing that no season could be more The moral value of the payment of a national debt conappropriate than the present session of Congress to en-sists in the demonstration which it affords of the ability of deavor to make a satisfactory adjustment of the tariff. a country to meet, and its integrity in fulfilling, all its The public debt chiefly arose out of the late war, justly engagements. That the resources of this country, indenominated the second contest for national indepen-creasing as it constantly is in population and wealth, are dence. An act, commonly called the sinking fund act, abundantly sufficient to meet any debt which it may ever was passed by Congress near fifteen years ago, providing prudently contract, cannot be doubted. And its punctufor its reimbursement. That act was prepared and pro-ality and probity, from the period of the assumption, in posed by a friend of yours and mine, whose premature 1790, of the debt of the revolution, down to the present death was not a loss merely to his native State, of which time, rest upon a solid and incontestable foundation. The he was one of its brightest ornaments, but to the whole danger, perhaps, is, not that it will not fairly meet its ennation. No man, with whom I ever had the honor to be gagements, but that, from an inordinate avidity, arising associated in the legislative councils, combined more ex- from temporary causes, it may bring discredit upon itself tensive and useful information, with more firmness of by improvident arrangements, which no prudent man, in judgment and blandness of manner, than did the lamented the management of his private affairs, would ever think of Mr. Lowndes. And when, in the prime of life, by the adopting. dispensation of an all-wise Providence, he was taken from Of the residue of that twenty-four millions of debt, after us, his country had reason to anticipate the greatest bene-deducting the thirteen millions of three per cent., less fits from his wisdom and discretion. By that act, an an- than two millions are due, and, of right, payable within -nual appropriation of ten millions of dollars was made the present year. If to that sum be added the moiety towards the payment of the principal and interest of the which becomes due on the 31st of December next, of the public debt; and also any excess which might yearly be in four million four hundred and fifty-four thousand seven the treasury, beyond two millions of dollars, which it was hundred and twenty-seven dollars, created by the act of thought prudent to reserve for unforeseen exigencies. 26th May, 1824, we have but a sum of about four millions But this system of regular and periodical application which the public creditor can lawfully demand, or which of public revenue to the payment of the public debt, the Government is bound to pay, in the course of this year. would have been unavailing, if Congress had neglected to If more is paid, it can only be done by anticipating the provide the necessary ways and means. Congress did periods of its payment, and going into the public market not, however, neglect the performance of that duty. By to purchase the stock. Can it be doubted that, if you do various acts, and more especially by the tariff of 1824-so, the vigilant holder of the stock, taking advantage of the abused tariff of 1824-the public coffers were amply your anxiety, will demand a greater price than its value? replenished, and we have been enabled to reach our pre- Already we perceive that the three per cents. have risen sent proud eminence of financial prosperity. After Con- to the extraordinary height of ninety-six per cent. The gress had thus abundantly provided funds, and directed difference between a payment of the inconsiderable portheir systematical application, the duty remained to be tion remaining of the public debt, in one, two, or three performed by the Executive was one simply ministerial. years, is certainly not so important as to justify a resort to And no Executive and no administration can justly claim highly disadvantageous terms. for itself any other merit in the discharge of the public Whoever may be entitled to the credit of the payment debt, than that of a faithful execution of the laws-no of the public debt, I congratulate you, sir, and the counother merit than that similar one to which it is entitled for try, most cordially, that it is so near at hand. It is so near directing a regular payment of what is due, from time to being totally extinguished, that we may now safely intime, to the army and navy, or to the officers of the civil quire whether, without prejudice to any established poliGovernment, for their salaries. cy, we may not relieve the consumption of the country, The operation of the sinking fund act commenced with by the repcal or reduction of duties, and curtail, consi JAN. 11, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. derably, the public revenue. In making this inquiry, the of their most patriotic sons nobly fell fighting in the comfirst question which presents itself is, whether it is mon cause. But they will also say that these fraternal expedient to preserve the existing duties, in order to ac- and just sentiments ought to be reciprocated by their Atcumulate a surplus in the treasury, for the purpose of lantic brethren; that these ought not to be indifferent to subsequent distribution among the several States. I think the welfare of the West, and that they have the same colnot. If the collection, for the purpose of such a surplus, lateral or indirect interest in its success and advancement is to be made from the pockets of one portion of the peo- that the West has in theirs. That it does not ask internal ple, to be ultimately returned to the same pockets, the improvements to be exclusively confined to itself, but that process would be attended with the certain loss arising it may receive, in common with the rest of the Union, a from the charges of collection, and with the loss also of practical benefit in the only form compatible with its ininterest while the money is performing the unnecessary terior condition. circuit; and it would, therefore, be unwise. If it is to be The appropriation of the proceeds of the public lands, collected from one portion of the people, and given to or a considerable portion of them, to that object, would another, it would be unjust. If it is to be given to the be a most natural and suitable disposition. And I do hope, States in their corporate capacity, to be used by them in sir, that that great resource will be cherished and deditheir public expenditure, I know of no principle in the cated to some national purpose worthy of the republic. constitution which authorizes the Federal Government Utterly opposed as, I trust, Congress will show itself to to become such a collector for the States, nor of any prin- be to all the mad and wild schemes, but to that latest, ciple of safety or propriety which admits of the States but maddest and wildest of all, recommended by the Sebecoming such recipients of gratuity from the General cretary of the Treasury, for squandering the public doGovernment. main, I hope it will be preserved for the present generaThe public revenue, then, should be regulated and tion and for posterity, as it has been received from our adapted to the proper service of the General Government. ancestors, a rich and bountiful inheritance. In these halIt should be ample; for a deficit in the public income, al- cyon days of peace and plenty, and an overflowing treaways to be deprecated, is sometimes attended, as we know sury, we appear to embarrass ourselves in devising visionwell from history, and from what has happened in our ary schemes for casting away the bounties with which the own time, with fatal consequences. In a country so rapid-goodness of Providence has blessed us. But, sir, the ly growing as this is, with such diversified interests, new storm of war will come when we know not; the day of wants and unexpected calls upon the public treasury must trial and difficulty will assuredly come, and now is the frequently occur. Take some examples from this ses- time, by a prudent forecast, to husband our resources, and son. The State of Virginia has presented a claim for this the greatest of them all. Let them not be hoarded an amount but little short of a million, which she press- and hugged with a miser's embrace, but liberally used. es with an earnestness demonstrating her conviction of Let the public lands be administered in a generous spirit, its justice. The State of South Carolina has also a and especially towards the States within which they are claim for no inconsiderable sum, being upwards of one situated. Let the proceeds of the sales of the public hundred thousand dollars, which she urges with equal lands be applied in a season of peace to some great obearnestness. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.ject; and when war does come, by suspending that apWILKINS] has brought forward a claim, arising out of plication of them during its continuance, you will be at French spoliations previous to the convention of 1800, once put in possession of means for its vigorous prosecuwhich is perhaps not short of five millions, and, to some tion. More than twenty-five years ago, when first I took extent, I have no doubt it has a just foundation. In any a seat in this body, I was told, by the fathers of the Goprovision of a public revenue, Congress ought so to fix it vernment, that if we had any thing perfect in our instituas to admit of the payment of honest and proper demands, tions, it was the system for disposing of the public lands, which its justice cannot reject or evade. and I was cautioned against rash innovations in it. sequent experience fully satisfied me of the wisdom of their counsels, and that all vital changes in it ought to be resisted. Sub Although it may be impracticable to say what the exact amount of the public revenue should be for the future, and what would be the precise produce of any given system of imposts, we may safely assume that the revenue may now be reduced, and considerably reduced. This reduction may be effected in various ways, and on different principles. Only three modes shall now be noticed. 1st. To reduce the duties on all articles in the same ratio, without regard to the principle of protection. 2d. To retain them on unprotected articles, and augment them on the protected articles. I hope, too, that, either in the adjustment of the public revenue, or, what would be preferable, in the appropriation of the proceeds of the public lands, effectual and permanent provision will be made for such internal improvements as may be sanctioned by Congress. This is due to the American people, and emphatically due to the Western people. Sir, temporary causes may exact a reluctant acquiescence from the people of the West, in the suspension of appropriations to objects of internal improvement; but as certain as you preside in that chair, or as the sun performs its diurnal revolution, they will not be satisfied with an abandonment of the policy. They will come here, and tell you, not in a tone of menace or supplication, but in the language of conscious right, that they must share with you in the benefits, as they divide with you the burdens and the perils of a common Government. They will say that they have no direct interest in the expenditares for the navy, the fortifications, nor even the army, To the first mode there are insuperable objections. It those greatest absorbents of the public treasure. That would lead inevitably to the destruction of our home manuthey are not indifferent, indeed, to the safety and pros- factures. It would establish a sort of bed of Procrustes, perity of any part of our common country. On the con- by which the duties on all articles should be blindly meatrary, that every portion of the republic is indirectly, at sured, without respect to their nature or the extent of least, interested in the welfare of the whole; and that they their consumption. And it would be derogatory from ever sympathize in the distresses, and rejoice in the hap- every principle of theory or practice on which the Gopiness of the most distant quarter of the Union. And to vernment has hitherto proceeded. demonstrate that they are not careless or indifferent to The second would be still more objectionable to the foes interests not directly their own, they may triumphantly of the tariff than either of the others. But it cannot be and proudly appeal to the gallant part which they bore in controverted that, by augmenting considerably the duties the late war, and point to the bloody fields on which some on the protected class, so as to carry them to the point, or And, 3d. To abolish and reduce the duties on unprotected articles, retaining and enforcing the faithful collection of those on the protected articles. SENATE.] The Tariff. [JAN. 11, 1832. near to the confines of absolute prohibition, the object But if the system be preserved, it ought to be honestin view, of effecting the necessary reduction of the pub- ly, fairly, and faithfully enforced. That there do exist lic revenue, may be accomplished without touching the the most scandalous violations of it, and the grossest frauds duties on the unprotected class. The consequence of upon the public revenue, in regard to some of the most such an augmentation would be a great diminution in the important articles, cannot be doubted. As to iron, obimportation of the foreign article, and of course in the jects really belonging to one denomination, to which a duties upon it. But against entire prohibition, except higher duty is attached, are imported under another name, perhaps in a few instances, I have been always, and still to which a lower duty is assigned, and the law thus evaded. am, opposed. By leaving the door open to the foreign False invoices are made as to woollens, and the classificarival article, the benefit is secured of a salutary competi- tion into minimums is constantly eluded. The success of tion. If it be hermetically closed, the danger is incurred the American manufacture of cotton bagging has been of monopoly. such as that, by furnishing a better and cheaper article, The third mode is the most equitable and reasonable, the bagging of Inverness and Dundee has been almost exand it presents an undebatable ground, on which I had cluded from the consumption of the States bordering on hoped we could all safely tread without difficulty. It the Mississippi and its tributaries. There has not yet been exacts no sacrifice of principle from the opponent of the sufficient time to fabricate and transport the article in American system; it comprehends none on the part of its necessary quantities from the Western States to the Southfriends. The measure before you embraces this mode. ern Atlantic States, which therefore have been almost exIt is simple, and free from all complexity. It divides the clusively supplied from the Scottish manufactories. The whole subject of imposts according to its nature. It settles payment of the duty is evaded by the introduction of the at once what ought not to be disputed, and leaves to be foreign fabric, under the name of burlaps, or some other settled hereafter, if necessary, what may be controverted. mercantile phrase, and, instead of paying five cents the A certain part of the South has hitherto complained square yard, it is entered with a duty of only fifteen per that it pays a disproportionate amount of the imposts. If cent. ad valorem. That this practice prevails, is demonthe complaint be well founded, by the adoption of this strated by the treasury report of the duties accruing on measure it will be relieved at once, as will be hereafter cotton bagging for the years 1828, 1829, and 1830. During shown, from at least a fourth of its burdens. The mea- the first year the amount was 137,506 dollars; the second, sure is in conformity with the uniform practice of the Go-106,068 dollars; and the third, it sunk down to 14,141 vernment from its commencement, and with the pro- dollars! fessions of all the eminent politicians of the South until The time has arrived when the inquiry ought to be seof late. It assumes the right of the Government, in the riously made, whether it be not practicable to arrest this assessment of duties, to discriminate between those arti- illegitimate course of trade, and secure the faithful execles which sound policy requires it to foster, and those cution of the laws. No time could be more suitable than which it need not encourage. This has been the inva- that at which it is contemplated to make a great reduction riable principle on which the Government has proceeded, of the public revenue. Two radical changes have prefrom the act of Congress of the 4th of July, 1789, down sented themselves to my mind, and which I will now to the present time. And has it not been admitted by suggest for consideration and investigation. On such a almost every prominent Southern politician? Has it not subject, I would, however, seek from the mercantile combeen even acknowledged by the fathers of the free trade munity and practical men all the light which they are so church, in their late address, promulgated, from Phila- capable of affording, and should be reluctant to act on delphia, to the people of the United States? If we never my own convictions, however strong. had a system of foreign imposts, and were now called The first is to make a total change in the place of valua upon, for the first time, to originate one, should we not tion. Now the valuation is made in foreign countries. discriminate between the objects of our own industry, We fix the duties, and we leave to foreigners to assess and those produced by foreigners? And is there any dif- the value on articles paying ad valorem duties; that is, ference in its application, between the modification of an we prescribe the rule, and leave its execution to the foexisting system and the origination of a new one? If the reigner. This is an anomaly, I believe, peculiar to this gentlemen of the South, opposed to the tariff, were to country. It is evident that the amount of duty payable obtain complete possession of the powers of Government, on a given article subject to an ad valorem duty, may be would they hazard their exercise upon any other princi- effected as much by the fixation of the value, as by the ple? If it be said that some of the articles which would, specification of the duty. And, for all practical purposes, by this measure, be liberated from duties, are luxuries, it would be just as safe to retain to ourselves the ascer the remark is equally true of some of the articles re-tainment of the value, and leave to the foreigner to premaining subject to duties. In the present advanced stage scribe the duty, as it is to reserve to ourselves the right of comfort and civilization, it is not easy to draw the line to declare the duty, and allow to him the privilege to assess between luxuries and necessaries. It will be difficult the value. to make the people believe that bohea tea is a luxury, and the article of fine broadcloths is a necessary of life. The effect of this vicious condition of the law has been to throw almost the whole import trade of the country, In stating that the duties on the protected class ought as to some important articles, into the hands of the fo to be retained, it has been far from my wish to preclude reigner. I have been informed that seven-eighths of the inquiry into their adequacy or propriety. If it can be importation of woollens into the port of New York, where shown that, in any instance, they are excessive or dispro- more is received than in all the other ports of the United portionately burdensome on any section of the Union, for States together, are in his hands. This has not proceeded one I am ready to vote for their reduction or modification. from any want of enterprise, intelligence, or capital, on The system contemplates an adequate protection; beyond the part of the American merchant; for, in these parti. that it is not necessary to go. Short of that, its operation culars, he is surpassed by the merchant of no country. will be injurious to all parties. It has resulted from his probity, his character, and his reThe people of this country, or a large majority of them, spect to the laws and institutions of his country-a reexpect that the system will be preserved. And its aban-spect which does not influence the foreigner. I am aware donment would produce general surprise, spread desola- that it is made by law the duty of the appraiser to ascer tion over the land, and occasion as great a shock as a tain the value of the goods in certain cases. But what is declaration of war forthwith against the most powerful his chief guide? It is the foreign invoice, made by whom nation of Europe. he knows not, certainly by no person responsible to our |